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Abstract
This article identifies and discusses six underlying socio-cultural and political themes in South African journalism education. The themes are apartheid and race, gender, development, freedom of expression, indigenization and the impact of the new media on journalism. The argument is that although South African journalism education is skills and career-oriented, the treatment of the themes and the issues related to them form the theoretical and intellectual foundation of South African journalism education. The underlying, theoretical point of departure is that journalism is a representation of reality or an aspect thereof. As such, journalism reflects society, which in the case of South Africa is a dichotomous one. South African journalism education is embedded in this society.
Notes
1. South Africa has 23 universities, a majority of which offer some programmes in journalism or journalism and media education and/or communication science. The main universities offering journalism and media education are: University of Fort Hare, University of Stellenbosch, University of Cape Town (film and media education), University of South Africa (Communication Science), Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (Port Elizabeth), University of the Free State (Bloemfontein), Northwest University (Potchefstroom), University of the Witwatersrand (Johannesburg), University of Johannesburg, University of KwaZulu-Natal (Durban and Pietermaritzburg), University of Pretoria, University of Zululand (KwaDlangezwa). Formal tertiary education in journalism (and/or related media education, communication and cultural education) started in 1959 at the Potchefstroom University for Christian Higher Education (now renamed Northwest University). The program was informed by programs offered at that stage in the Netherlands, Belgium and Germany. Apart from universities, many former Technicons (now renamed Universities of Technology) offer journalism education. One of the most well-known is the Tshwane University of Technology (Pretoria). There are also several private institutions offering diplomas and certificates in journalism. For in depth discussions of South African journalism education and training, see, e.g., Berger Citation2008; De Beer Citation2010; De Beer and Prince Citation2005; Garman Citation2005, McCurdy and Power Citation2007, Wasserman Citation2011.
2. Early representation theory can be found in Ancient Greek philosophy. Throughout the ages it has developed into several full-fledged theories in art, visual, perception and reception studies. Apart from the media representing the public, the most common understanding of representation in media and journalism education is the semiotic one, namely that representation is a socio-cultural and political schema for the interpretation and portrayal of a signifier (object/subject).
3. The Terzis (Citation2009) study is a follow-up of the study by Stephenson and Mory (Citation1990) which was commissioned by the European Commission and the European Journalism Training Association in response to the recognition by the European Commission of the powerful role and importance of the media.
4. South Africa has a population of 49.3 million and 11 official languages. The country has three public service television channels, one free-to-air television channel, one pay television (subscription) channel, and two satellite television pay services with over 160 channels. The country has six public service radio stations, 18 commercial national and regional radio stations, 10 public service African-language stations and over 60 community radio stations. As far as print is concerned, the country has 21 daily national, regional and city-based newspapers, 24 weekly newspapers and 25 community papers. There are over 400 consumer magazine titles and over 650 trade, technical and professional journals and annuals. There are 31 major cinema houses, each accommodating a number of screens. In terms of online media there are literally thousands of sites with 17 major media sites, not counting the online sites of newspapers, broadcasters, etc. (South Africa and SADC Media Facts Citation2011; OMD South Africa, http://www.omd.co.za, accessed June 6, 2012).
5. Chapter 2 of the South African Constitution is a Bill of Rights and deals with various human rights, including gender and sexual orientation. Clause 16 guarantees the freedom of the press and other media.
6. The Press Freedom Commission proposed significant reforms to South Africa's system of print media regulation aimed at strengthening its independence, enhancing its accessibility and deepening its credibility. Changes include: an increased role for representatives of the public in the processes and structures of the Press Council and a commensurately decreased role for press representatives. Effectively the system of “self-regulation” is replaced with independent co-regulation between the press and the public. Other recommendations include: the scrapping of the requirement that complainants waive their right of access to the courts; the broadening of the criteria for third-party complaints by people not directly affected; the imposition of “space fines”—which would compel newspapers to set aside determined amounts of space for apologies and reprimands; the imposition of monetary fines for consistent and serious non-compliance with the rulings of the ombudsman; the strengthening of “right of reply” requirements; increased protection for children; the physical separation of the office of the ombudsman from those of Print Media South Africa (PMSA) and Sanef (www.sanef.org.za, accessed May 30, 2012).
7. More than 30 non-governmental organizations, including academic associations, the Human Rights Commission, Corruption Watch, the Law Society of South Africa, the Nelson Mandela Foundation, the Public Protector, Higher Education South Africa (HESA) and numerous media, non-governmental organizations such as the Right-to-Know (R2K) Campaign, the South African National Press Club and Sanef continuously protested against the Bill and presented new submissions to public hearings against the Bill. The government itself launched a pro-Bill advertising campaign which in its turn was severely criticized in the media and by opposition parties as being misleading, if not against the Constitution. The main objections are that the Bill offends the Constitutional values of openness, transparency and accountability and opposes freedom of expression; that it will prohibit the exposure of government incompetence, criminality, wrongdoing, abuse of authority and corruption, and that the absence of a public interest clause and the defense of public interest make the Bill unconstitutional. The main recommendations are that the Bill should only apply to intelligence matters.
8. The question “What is ubuntuism?” and its impact on journalism are addressed in more depth in Fourie (Citation2007; also see Hamminga Citation2005; Nussbaum Citation2003). Here, suffice it to say that ubuntuism can be understood as a moral philosophy, a collective African consciousness deeply embedded in African culture's expression of communal (collective or shared) compassion, reciprocity, dignity, harmony and humanity in the interest of a community (traditionally the tribe or clan), with justice and mutual caring for all (see e.g. Nussbaum Citation2003, 1). An outstanding characteristic of ubuntuism is its emphasis on community and collectivity. Ubuntuism moves beyond an emphasis on the individual and individual rights, and places the emphasis on sharing and on individual participation in a collective life. Community is the context in which personhood is defined. As such, it differs from the emphasis on the self in mainstream Eurocentric moral philosophy. The essence of being is participation with other humans. Whereas Western individualistic Democracy insists on freedom of the self from intrusion by others, in ubuntuism a person's freedom depends for its exercise and fulfillment on personal relationships with others. A person is first and foremost a participatory being dependent on others for his/her development. Ubuntuism therefore places a high premium on negotiation, inclusiveness and tolerance.
9. Fourie (Citation2007) raises five questions about ubuntu as a normative framework for journalism. He points out the vast consequences such a framework may have for journalism as the (ideally) objective representation of the world. The questions concern: (1) the relevancy of ubuntuism in the context of the changed nature of traditional African culture, (2) the claim that ubuntuism is distinctively an African moral philosophy, (3) moral philosophy's vulnerability to political exploitation, (4) ubuntuism as a normative theory in a globalized world and changed media environment, and (5) the serious implications an ubuntu approach may have for journalism practice (the “tricks of the trade” or professional practices as practiced universally in newsrooms).
10. It is issues such as these that Bourdieu (Citation1993, Citation1998) refers to as the “structural limitations’ of the profession. Minogue (Citation2005) refers to these as the corrupting devices of journalism (Fourie Citation2012a).
11. The national independent research survey commissioned by the National Press Club highlights ethical challenges experienced by mainstream journalists (see http//:www.nationalpressclub.co.za/research.html and http:www.nationalpressclub.co.za/releases/20110227.php).
12. As an example of underdevelopment, recent statistics in the United Nations Report on Development (2012) reveals that despite South Africa's lead as the richest country in Africa, 40.7 percent of South African children die shortly after birth, 23.9 percent of the children under five are growth restrained, 56.6 percent will not reach the age of five, more than 23 percent of the South African population live in poverty and 17.4 percent earn less than 1 Euro a day. Life expectancy in South Africa is 53 (compared to 73 in Brazil), 9 million of South Africa's 18.6 million children live in poverty, one in three experience hunger, and one in five has lost one or both parents (Beeld, May 16, 2012).
13. There were 2.1 million serious crime cases registered in 2010/2011 in South Africa, of which 15,940 are for murder, 198,602 for assault with the purpose to inflict serious harm and 247,630 residential burglary cases (South African Police Service 2012).
14. See Note 4.