Chinese Journalists’ Tactics for Reporting on Sexual Violence Against Women

ABSTRACT

In 2018, Chinese journalists found themselves up against a complex set of challenges when engaging with reporting on sexual violence against women in the news. The Chinese media sphere promotes “positive energy” (zheng nengliang正能量) to maintain social harmony and what can be considered “positive” content. Since sexual violence incidents are categorized as a “negative” and “sensitive” social issue, they are often the target of complex censorship and editorial revisions. Through semi-structured in-depth interviews with 22 Chinese journalists, this study has identified four tactics Chinese journalists use when reporting on sexual violence against women in order to avoid this censorship: (1) citing official sources as a form of implicit permission or authorization; (2) stressing the educational value of sexual violence stories; (3) using social media and public opinion to indirectly disseminate the reporting of sexual violence; and (4) publishing stories before official directives are issued. This study thus aims to shed light on the challenges faced by Chinese journalists in terms of reporting on sexual violence as a result of the dual pressures from both state and market forces, as well as how they navigate these challenges.

KEYWORDS:

• Chinese journalists
• sexual violence against women
• censorship
• self-censorship
• social media
• reporting tactics
• interviews

Introduction

In October 2017, an anti-sexual harassment and violence movement denoted by the hashtag #MeToo spread on social media after the widespread allegations against Hollywood mogul Harvey Weinstein. The extensive media coverage and discussions around this topic united women from all around the world, encouraging them to collectively speak out against sexual harassment and violence. Chinese feminist Wei Tingting collected 6,592 questionnaires about sexual harassment on college and university campuses, revealing that nearly 70% of participants had experienced some form of sexually harassment, of whom 75% were women (Wei 2017). Another study found that approximately 50% of the 1,017 Chinese men surveyed admitted to having abused their female partners either physically or sexually (Wang, Fang, and Li 2019). These statistics echo broader international concerns regarding sexual harassment and violence against women from all backgrounds.

Despite the high incidence of sexual harassment and violence cases in China, however, there was little coverage of the #MeToo movement in the Chinese media, including by national news outlets and on social media platforms (Lüqiu and Liao 2021). This may be attributed to two factors: Firstly, the state requires journalists to adhere to the concept of “positive energy” (zheng nengliang 正能量), which entails maintaining social stability, promoting nationalism and patriotism, and presenting the government in a positive light (Yang and Tang 2018). Secondly, there is a prevalent belief within the Chinese government and mainstream media that “Western feminism” is a tool employed by hostile Western forces to interfere in women’s affairs that should be handled domestically (Fincher 2018, 41). This widespread view has fueled radical nationalist and anti-feminist sentiments, leading to the suppression of news reports on issues related to sexual violence (Yin and Sun 2020).

In China, both party news outlets and commercial news organizations are either directly or indirectly owned or controlled by the party-state (Zhang and Su 2012). Consequently, Chinese mainstream news media outlets are perceived by the public as being accurate and reliable sources for understanding sexual violence incidents (Liao and Lüqiu 2022). However, since the #MeToo movement arrived in China in 2018, the voices of Chinese journalists have been underrepresented in academic research, and there has been limited discussion of their role in reporting on incidents of sexual violence.

This study has thus examined the methods Chinese journalists use to address issues of sexual violence and highlighted the practical and political hurdles they must navigate in order to do so. Specifically, the study aimed to identify and evaluate the tactics Chinese journalists use to achieve a degree of autonomy in reporting on this topic, in particular, by capitalizing on the economic opportunities associated with the digitization and commercialization of the media. I argue that while Chinese journalists have gained a certain degree of autonomy in reporting on sexual violence against women, the impact of these reporting tactics is limited on a wider scale. The findings also challenge the stereotypical dichotomy that categorizes Chinese journalists as either unquestioning state mouthpieces (Zhang 2009) or resisters critical of the government (Repnikova 2018; Xu 2015).

The study aims to provide a basis for further research into how journalists in China approach and report on women’s issues, including the topic of sexual violence against women. Such research is particularly important in light of the strict media controls in China, where open discussions about topics like the #MeToo movement and incidents of sexual violence—especially those implicating political figures or causing negative public reactions—are often censored (Fincher 2018; Zeng 2019).

It is important to note that “sexual violence” is a broad term referring to any type of sexual activity or behavior that violates a person’s consent in terms of their body, especially in the form of sexual assault and injury (Islam 2016). While victims of sexual violence can be of any gender, it is necessary to clarify that the term “sexual violence” in this article specifically refers to sexual assault and injury perpetrated by men against women.

The Role of Chinese Journalists

Chinese journalists are often perceived as either state voices (Zhang 2009) or government dissenters (Repnikova 2018; Xu 2015). However, scholars such as Lee (2005) and Hassid (2011) offer a more nuanced understanding of the role played by Chinese journalists. Lee (2005) identified three main archetypes of Chinese journalists: Confucian-liberal journalists (early twentieth century to the 1940s) who focused mainly on enlightenment and education; communist journalists (1949 onwards) who actively spread government propaganda; and communist-capitalist journalists (1980s to 2005) who are driven by profit motives. Building on Lee’s (2005) taxonomy, Hassid (2011) introduces four further categories of Chinese journalists: (1) “American-style professionals” who see themselves as watchdogs of state power; (2) “communist professionals” who function as mouthpieces for the Chinese Communist Party (CCP); (3) “workday journalists” who are motivated by financial incentives; and (4) “advocacy professionals” who act as educators and problem-solvers with a nationalistic outlook. According to Hassid (2011), journalists in the third and fourth categories are the most prevalent and influential in contemporary China, with “advocacy professionals” being the most in line with the prevailing intellectual and media trends.

Taxonomies like the above underscore the dynamic interplay between Chinese journalists, the state, and market forces, challenging the simplistic stereotypes often projected by external observers. In reality, Chinese journalists play a much more complex role which involves navigating the twin pressure of adhering to ideological correctness while also responding to market demands. Indeed, this has increasingly become the case since 2012 under the leadership of President Xi Jinping (Huan 2016).

Under Xi’s regime, the media has become both a target and an instrument for the CCP’s ideological campaigns, which seek to guide public opinion and discredit Western notions of press freedom (Zhao 2016). To consolidate the legitimacy of the regime, President Xi Jinping has pursued the largest ideological campaign in post-Mao China (Zhao 2016). As a result of this, the traditional media is only allowed to spread positive messages and report on resolved issues (Brady 2017). Moreover, journalists are required to undergo training in Marxist ideology and are tested on their understanding of CCP doctrine (Zhao 2016). In 2014, President Xi also assumed direct control of the newly established Central Leading Group for Cyberspace Affairs (Zhao 2016), expanding state power into the realm of social media.

The journalists having to work under such constraints have thus been aptly characterized as “dancing with shackles” (Denyer 2014, para. 15). As Lee and Chan (2009) point out, media self-censorship in China means that journalists must employ non-critical attitudes towards the directives handed down from those in power and think twice before publishing a news report relating to politically-sensitive topics. In mainland China, there are clear official instructions warning journalists to avoid topics that are not government-approved (Moser 2019). Several scholars, including Hassid (2008) and Lee and Chan (2009), have stressed that self-censorship significantly hinders journalistic accuracy, objectivity, and freedom. According to Lee and Chan (2009), self-censorship requires journalists to be highly circumspect in their choice of topics, as the definition of a “sensitive” topic continuously shifts to reflect the socio-political landscape. In this context, journalistic self-censorship is the most effective mechanism for ensuring compliance with state directives (Hassid 2008).

Chinese Journalists’ Tactics for Coping with Censorship

News content which threatens the image of the central leadership, disrupts social stability, or challenges public policies and national guidelines, is thus subject to stringent news media censorship (Kuang 2018). In light of this, Xu (2015) has shown that Chinese journalists deploy a variety of reporting tactics to cater to governmental instructions, while also circumventing online censorship and punishment. For instance, when Chinese journalists publish online, they often deploy tactics such as “working undercover” (i.e., investigating and reporting on a social event without a press card)¹, “using transformed words” (i.e., replacing sensitive words that are officially banned with analogies, sarcasm, metaphors, spoof jokes, synonyms, homonyms, and homographs), and the use of “de-verification on Sina Weibo” (i.e., hiding their identity and job description when posting news updates on Weibo) (Xu 2015, 711). Prior to Xu’s study on these tactics, Tong (2007) had previously also highlighted five tactics that Chinese investigative journalists have used to deal with news media censorship: (1) using careful wording when reporting on sensitive topics; (2) replacing sharp criticism with constructive advice; (3) maintaining an “objective” stance and refraining from expressing opinions when reporting on politically-sensitive news items; (4) citing officially-recognized news sources, such as government officials and authoritative experts; and (5) concealing the identities of journalists from respondents and local governments during investigations to avoid being on the “radar” of the authorities.

Both Xu’ s (2015) and Tong’s (2007) research notes the linguistic tactics and identity concealment employed by Chinese journalists to push the permitted boundaries to the maximum extent on certain politically and socially-sensitive issues whilst striving not to offend the party-state (Hassid 2011; Brady 2009). In doing so, they thus make sensitive news content visible to the public, while also obtaining “psychological gains” such as “self-dignity” and “self-gratification” in the process of performing their duties and complying with the required professionalism (Xu 2015, 716).

While this type of research has gone a long way in helping to elucidate the reporting tactics used by Chinese journalists, there are still areas that need to be better understood. Firstly, the existing literature usually covers sensitive topics as a whole, ignoring variations in sensitivity levels across different topics which necessitate adjustments in reporting tactics. Secondly, little attention has thus far been paid to the intertwined motivations behind Chinese journalists covering some politically-sensitive topics, and their ties to the government in terms of these issues. This study thus seeks to fill this gap in the existing research by addressing how Chinese journalists are influenced by socio-political and economic factors when reporting on sexual violence.

“Dancing with Shackles”: Resistance and Co-Existence

Scott (1985, 290) defines the “resistance of the subordinate class” as any action intended to either “mitigate or deny claims” made by the upper class, or to promote their own claims. Unlike the rebellious peasants in Scott’s writings, however, Chinese journalists are part of the Chinese authoritarian system, finding ways to coexist and cooperate with the propaganda authorities in order to survive in a highly competitive media market (Repnikova 2018). This complicates Scott’s concept of “everyday forms of resistance”. Indeed, this complex relationship between journalists and the state leaves them in a place of ambivalence with regards to expressing dissatisfaction with the system and resisting propaganda and censorship. Bourdieu (1984) defines holders of cultural capital, such as professionals, intellectuals, speakers, and managers, as the dominated fraction in the dominant class. He argues that although holders of cultural capital can subvert dominant power structures, their influence is limited to the specific field in which they have expertise. More than this, their activities may actually have the opposite effect of reinforcing the power structure. This is echoed by my research, which suggests that while journalists may deploy various tactics to report on sexual violence, the limitations of their positions and actions may prevent them from truly informing the public about the systemic origins of sexual violence.

Despite this, Scott (1985) argues that we should be more concerned with the “intentions” of the oppressed than with the “consequences” of their acts of resistance, as, in many cases, resistance may be meaningful but ultimately fail to achieve its desired outcome. Inspired by this, it seems unwise to see only the results of “censorship” and “self-censorship” (the “shackles”) without paying attention to journalists’ desire to publish important newsworthy articles (“dancing”). Tong (2009, 594), specifically, argues that Chinese journalists’ self-censorship may contribute to increased media freedom in an authoritarian country, as it helps to “bypass political ‘minefields’” and raise politically-sensitive topics through insinuation and euphemism. In this light, whether it be a relatively passive, compliant acts of “self-censorship” with a compliant nature or an active “reporting tactics” motivated by resistance, both are designed to avoid unnecessary or unacceptable political and professional risks, while simultaneously increasing the possibility of reporting on sensitive but important social issues.

Research Methods

This study is based on semi-structured in-depth interviews with 22 Chinese journalists located in four different Chinese cities, which took place between 17 October and 27 December 2020. For this study, participants were required to meet two sets of criteria. Firstly, they had to be Chinese journalists with experience reporting on women’s issues, with a preference for those who have covered sexual violence incidents against women in China. Secondly, participants had to have a genuine concern for women’s rights and have their own opinions and experiences relating to sexual violence (including having read relevant news stories and/or having witnessed other colleagues reporting on it). Participants were recruited through personal contacts, snowball sampling, and via social media platforms. Of these, twelve participants were interviewed face-to-face, and ten were interviewed online, with the choice of format determined by the participants’ preferences. At the time, nine were employed by party news outlets, seven worked in commercial news outlets (newspapers, magazines, websites, and agencies), and two were independent journalists who write articles as freelancers; both had previously worked for news organizations. The remaining four participants were citizen journalists who self-publish online news content on women’s rights and social issues. These citizen journalists are very concerned about gender issues in China and have a large number of followers on their social media platforms. In contrast to independent and institutional journalists in this study, none of the citizen journalists interviewed majored in journalism (Table 1). Of the 22 participants, only three female journalists self-identified as feminists, namely B, U, and D.

The duration of the interviews ranged from 40 min to three-and-a-half hours, with a total running time of approximately 35 h. I prepared open-ended questions and asked other questions as they emerged within the conversations. These open-ended questions revolved around the difficulties and obstacles they had faced in reporting on sexual violence against women, as well as how they responded to these issues. The interviews highlighted how Chinese journalists struggle between state power and market forces as they strive for autonomy in reporting on topics of sexual violence.

For the semi-structured in-depth interviews, data analysis involved locating and marking a series of thematic patterns that reflect clear ideas in the data relevant to the research questions. These ideas are also called “codes” (Galletta and Cross 2013, 122). Some codes will overlap or be connected, which is a good opportunity for the researcher to generate thematic categories (Galletta and Cross 2013). Within the context of my research, I imported the transcribed interviews into NVivo software for encoding and analysis. After reading and analyzing the interview data iteratively, several relevant themes and thematic codes became evident (e.g., reasons behind the issue of sexual violence being censored; various reporting tactics). As suggested by Deterding and Waters (2021), in the later stages of data analysis (after the coding and subject classification has been completed), there is also a need to link the data to previous research, including theories and concepts found in the existing literature on the topic. This allows for a more in-depth analysis and discussion of the data.

Factors Behind the Reporting of Sexual Violence Cases Being Censored

Before analyzing the reporting tactics of journalists covering sexual violence incidents, it is important to identify the reasons behind the suppression and censorship of certain sexual violence incidents from a broader socio-political perspective. The participants’ answers suggest that there are three main factors:

1. The news coverage of sexual violence cases involving sensitive public figures and/or interest groups is deemed too sensitive; journalists are therefore instructed not to report on it (A, L, Q, T).

This explains why reports of certain instances of sexual violence are suppressed and blocked; when specific individuals or interest groups are involved in sex scandals, it can cause reputational damage. Political interests can thus also come into play, particularly when the perpetrator is in some way connected to the government.

1. Certain incidents of sexual violence are exceptionally egregious and cause serious harm to victims; if reported, they may disrupt social stability and cause moral panic (L and Q).

The idea of moral panic in Chinese society is closely linked to a longstanding morality culture in China, as well as the government’s emphasis on “morality” (daode 道德), population “quality” (suzhi 素质), and “civilization” (wenming文明) (Szablewicz 2010, 459). When violent incidents trigger moral panic on the internet, netizens may spontaneously engage in protest actions to censure individuals seen as having violated moral standards. From the government’s perspective, this poses a potential threat to social stability. As maintaining social stability is a top government priority, the CCP thus aims to stifle the dissemination of news about such incidents at the source (Szablewicz 2010). As Welch, Price, and Yankey (2002, 4) have pointed out, this is unhelpful, as “moral panic often touches on bona fide social ills”. Rather than creating feelings of hostility towards the individuals who have contributed to a given moral panic, what the government and the media should do is to provide the public with a better understanding of the underlying social problem.

1. The incident itself is controversial (e.g., the case is pending, with no official documents or verdict in place), so disseminating potentially incorrect information about it might affect the credibility of the news organizations involved (C, R, and T).

This factor reflects the influence of market forces on news organizations, especially those primarily motived by commercial interests. When investigations into cases of sexual violence are inconclusive, biased reporting by journalists may arouse public doubt as to the credibility of their news institutions, thereby affecting readership levels and advertising revenue.

These three factors demonstrate how state power both explicitly and covertly hinders news reporting through media censorship, as well as highlighting how market forces affect the survival of news organizations. While both state power and market forces have, to some extent, restricted Chinese journalists from reporting on sexual violence according to their own professional judgment, state power plays a more prominent role in controlling news media outlets.

Despite this, most of the participants agreed that even those cases of sexual violence involving sensitive topics and figures stand a chance of being reported on, as long as journalists and editors follow the party’s instructions to diligently conduct self-censorship, as well as employing tactics to avoid political minefields, including topics on the “seven don’t mention list”—“constitutionalism, universal values, freedom of the press, civil society and citizen rights, the CCP’s historical mistakes, crony capitalism, and judicial independence” (Lei 2018, 73). These forbidden topics are considered to spread Western ideology (Lei 2018). This has also been the case for the term “#MeToo”. Several participants stated that “#MeToo” became a banned topic in news reporting circles because it became seen as a hostile Western force aimed at destabilizing Chinese society. In light of this, Chinese journalists avoid mentioning the term in their reporting.

Despite these barriers, however, most of my participants demonstrated enthusiasm and a motivation to cover sexual violence incidents. Some participants, for example, indicated that reporting on sexual violence cases is conducive to preventing sexual crimes and supporting victims. Additionally, some of the participants working for commercial outlets also emphasized that it helps them to expand their readership and market revenue. In light of the topic’s sensitivity, however, the participants noted that it is necessary to employ tactics to “harmonize” the reporting of sexual violence cases with the wider socio-political context. In other words, journalists both self-censor and resist: they report on sexual violence incidents against women, but do so in what they consider a “positive”, or less radical, way in order to justify their actions to the authorities.

The following section will examine the four main tactics that the Chinese journalists participating in this study reported using in order to be able to report on cases of sexual violence against women.

Citing Official Sources as a Form of Implicit Permission or Authorization

Official sources not only help journalists to verify information and increase the credibility of their news reports, they also provide an authoritative voice on certain social issues (Dimitrova and Strömbäck 2009). What is of particular interest in the context of journalists reporting on sexual violence cases, however, is that the study responses suggest that Chinese journalists have very specific political motives for citing official sources. The participants, especially those who were working for party news outlets, stressed the significance and necessity of referring to official documents and authoritative sources for evidence when reporting on sensitive sexual violence cases (e.g., participants E, F, L, and N). Participant F noted that:

I don’t post anything I am unsure about, especially sensitive topics such as sexual violence. Under what circumstances can we report? If the police have filed an investigation and posted a statement, then we can report on the case, because the official entity has spoken. (Participant F, male, working for a party news outlet)

This highlights that Participant F only felt comfortable reporting on cases for which official files and verdicts are available, and for which official testimony from the police and/or the legal department can be cited. Participant E also pointed to the existence of this reporting practice, stating:

Even if a particular rape case has drawn a lot of attention and caused heated discussions on the Internet, we still insist on waiting for the official statements to report on it … We really need an official, authoritative answer. (Participant E, female, working for a party news outlet)

For participants who work for party news outlets, such as E and F, waiting for statements from official sources is almost mandatory when reporting on contested sexual violence cases. The findings of this study suggest that the reasons for this are twofold. Firstly, official language makes a news report appear “credible” and “authoritative”. Secondly, integrating official information into news reports offers journalists implicit permission to publish sexual violence news reports, as this places the onus on the official narrative and investigation results, thereby endorsing the authority of the official sources. By adopting this approach, journalists seek to address sensitive topics through “politically-correct” means, thereby reducing the risk of being censored or banned by the authorities (Lüqiu 2018). This is consistent with Lei’s (2018) observation that the safest way to frame an event or incident as a social issue in China is to present it as deviating from legal principles or texts. Indeed, the findings of this study suggest that one of the safest approaches for Chinese journalists when reporting on sexual violence against women is to obtain public acknowledgement from officials or government organizations that the acts in question indeed constituted sexual violence, and only then to quote their statements.

The apparent “obedience” involved in this tactic of citing official sources reveals very little about the real opinions of the journalists in question, however. As Scott (1990, 193) cautions, “most subordinates conform and obey not because they have internalized the norms of the dominant, but because a structure of surveillance, reward, and punishment makes it prudent for them to comply”. It should not be overlooked that Chinese journalists are at risk of receiving punishments such as imprisonment or forced resignation when publishing politically-sensitive news reports (Tong 2014).

One clear consequence of this tactic, however, is that it ties the coverage of sexual violence cases to the verdicts of the criminal justice system. This means that incidents that do not lead to convictions in court may not be reported on. As Participant M notes, “The official news media pays little attention to incidents of sexual violence, and it is constantly declining.” One potential reason for this decline in coverage is that most contested sexual violence cases are not submitted for investigation and prosecution (Wang 2018; Ye 2011). As a result, Chinese journalists are likely to drop reports into these cases since there are no official sources.

This overreliance on official sources also results in the importance of how victims and witnesses interpret and characterize incidents of sexual violence being overlooked. It also fails to cover how feminists have challenged societal norms around sexual violence (see, for example, Liao and Lüqiu 2022). As such, this journalistic practice is contrary to one of the aims of the #MeToo movement, namely “Giving voice to one’s story—and having that story believed and validated—can be vitally important for survivors” (Loney-Howes and Fileborn 2019, 336). As Cabas-Mijares (2022) has noted, reporting centered around official verdicts reinforces a patriarchal perspective on women’s issues, resulting in symbolic violence against women under the pretext of professional detachment and neutrality.

Stressing the Educational Value of Sexual Violence Stories

Scholars such as Broersma (2010) and Relly and Schwalbe (2013) have emphasized the educational function of journalism, including educating the public about legislation and offering insights into political affairs. Broersma (2010) argues that the educational function of journalism applies especially to partisan journalism, as these news outlets seek to educate, guide, and persuade the public to endorse their party’s political and socio-cultural positions. In the Chinese context, it seems that this educational function of journalism is particularly seized upon by the party news outlets. Indeed, the findings of the study suggest that Chinese journalists emphasize the educational implications of their reports to justify reporting on what is considered to be “negative” sexual violence amidst a social atmosphere that promotes “positive energy”.

According to some of the participants of the study, demonstrating “positive” journalistic practices is key to gaining approval to publish stories on sexual violence. Given the potentially “negative” social impact of reporting on sexual violence against women, several participants suggested that a sexual violence news article should play a positive role in educating the readers and preventing further sexual violence. By doing so, journalists seek to demonstrate to the authorities the necessity of reporting on individual sexual violence cases. For instance, Participant N reported that:

It is essential to think clearly about what kind of message you would like to convey or what you expect the public to learn from your article after reading it, instead of being role-model to them how to behave like the perpetrators and sexually assault others. (Participant N, female, working for a party news outlet)

Participant N hopes that readers could be positively influenced by her news reports, discouraging them from perpetrating sexual violence against others. She felt that Chinese journalists have a responsibility to educate their audiences about what is and what is not acceptable through their reports on cases of sexual violence. The implication of Participant N’s point of view is the notion that if journalists report on sexual violence “in the wrong way”, they could actually be providing negative “role models” for the audience and inspire readers to become perpetrators. This idea was echoed by Participant P:

Along with disseminating the facts, I also hope it (news reporting about sexual violence incidents) can play a role in educating the public and popularizing related laws and regulations. After reading our news reporting, people have gradually become interested in discussing this issue and seeking legal help after suffering from sexual assault. This shows that they have been educated by news articles. (Participant P, female, working for a party news outlet)

Participant P’s account identified two goals that she hopes might be achieved through her news coverage of sexual violence incidents: namely, drawing attention to the social issue (i.e., sexual violence against women), and educating the public about the laws and regulations related to sexual violence, so that victims of sexual violence might to seek legal help.

From these accounts, it is evident that these participants strive to find sufficient reasons to report on sexual violence cases within a socially-constructed notion of “harmony” and “positive energy”. These efforts entail encouraging the public to care about the issue, enhancing public understanding of sexual violence, and popularizing relevant laws and regulations. The journalists participating in this study thus attach importance to the educational function of news reporting, as opposed to the kind of news sensationalism that tends to cause moral panic.

To achieve this news sensationalism, western journalists sometimes substitute inflammatory language rife with moral panic for legal jargon (Welch, Price, and Yankey 2002). By contrast, a number of the Chinese journalists in this study were more concerned with playing an educational role as journalists in accordance with the requirements of the state hegemony, with the intention of building a stable and safe social environment. On the surface, this demonstrates obedience to the state; but as Lei (2018, 91) argues, people sometimes cite the law in order to make it “an analytical tool or a weapon of self-defense”. In this case, the interpretation of the legal provisions can also be a euphemistic expression of resistance (Lei 2018).

Table 1. Participants’ profiles.

ID	Age (years)	Work experience (years)	Gender	Major in journalism	Work unit
A	27	2	Female (F)	Yes	Party news outlet
E	25	2	F	Yes
F	26	2	Male (M)	Yes
G	26	0.5	F	Yes
I	25	0.5	M	Yes
L	26	2	F	Yes
M	26	1.3	F	Yes
N	31	5	F	Yes
P	25	1.5	F	Yes
B	26	3	F	Yes	Commercial news outlet
C	25	2	F	Yes
K	26	1.5	M	Yes
Q	27	4	F	Yes
R	30	8	F	No (Minority Language)
T	24	2	F	Yes
V	32	10	M	Yes
D	24	3	F	Yes	Freelance journalism
U	32	10	F	Yes
H	21	1	M	No (Law)	Citizen journalism
J	19	3	F	No (unwilling to disclose)
O	31	4.5	M	No (Engineer)
S	26	1	F	No (Management)

However, it is clear that there are several potential downsides to the use of this tactic. For instance, an overt focus on the legal provisions regarding sexual violence cases helps to shift the focus of such reports to the immediate responses and solutions offered in reaction to individual cases by schools, the police, and the judiciary, rather than addressing the systemic gender inequalities which led to these cases or the obstacles victims face when seeking help, and so on. As Heberle (1996, 75) has highlighted, “the legal system will never be instrumental in eradicating sexual violence, only in managing it”. In other words, the law focuses on punishing people when they make mistakes or perpetrate crimes rather than on raising awareness about the underlying social issue or focusing on the role of education. Since the educational function of news reporting in China is mostly limited to encouraging the public to comply with laws and regulations, other constructive resources, such as feminist scholarship and NGOs, which are conducive to debunking and eradicating rape myths and gender stereotypes, have been largely undervalued and ignored.

Using Social Media and Public Opinion to Indirectly Disseminate the Reporting of Sexual Violence

Since 2003, the Internet has been an essential tool for Chinese journalists to publish critical news reports, expand their coverage, and create events that draw widespread public attention (Lei 2018). Participants A, N, and V highlighted the importance of social media in mobilizing wider public opinion to help break the boundaries around reporting on sexual violence cases in China. More specifically, when difficulties arise around reporting on certain sexual violence incidents via mainstream media platforms, some journalists (such as A, L, and N) noted that they choose to encourage victims to set up their own accounts on social media. Doing so can help victims speak out about their personal experiences and draw wider public attention and sympathy. As Simpson, Coté, and Scherer (2006) have highlighted, while it is important for journalists to empower victims in a way that mitigates the risk of additional harm, they should also ensure that their sources are aware that revisiting traumatic experiences may be distressing. Indeed, those journalists who encouraged victims to open up about their experiences on social media seem to have been mindful of the impact this could have on the victims, seeking to minimize the risk of re-traumatization and reminding victims to maintain their anonymity and privacy. For instance, Participant N noted that, “If the victim wants to post a video online, I will definitely tell her to remember to mosaic her face and not disclose her real name”.

Participant T, who works for a commercial news outlet, said that this tactic also serves to promote “Weibo governance” (weibo zhi guo 微博治国), which refers to citizens actively expressing their views on public events through platforms such as Sina Weibo, thereby engaging public opinion and influencing policies on relevant social issues. While Chinese social media platforms such as Sina Weibo are still vulnerable to government mandates and censorship, the sheer volume and speed of transmission of information on the platform allows information shared to spread beyond the capabilities of any censor (Zeng et al. 2019).

Participant T shared her insights on the term “Weibo governance”: “There are many problems that you (i.e., the victim) cannot personally solve, but if you capture public attention by posting on Weibo, then you will also capture the attention of the media”. This points to the phenomenon that when an incident generates intense public interest, journalists rush to report on it in order to gain an edge in the media market and boost their readership. In other words, the competitive nature of the media market incentivizes editors and journalists to cover social issues that have attracted significant public attention, even if those topics are deemed “sensitive”. As Participant L stated:

If we were asked to “fire the first shot”, we might not dare to do so. But if it has become a hot topic, and we get exclusive news sources, then I will report on it. (Participant L, female, working for a party newspaper)

According to Participant L, there are two considerations which encourage her to report on sexual violence cases: firstly, incidents becoming heated topics of discussion on the internet; and secondly, exclusive information being obtained that is worth taking the risk for. This highlights the importance that journalists, even those working for party news outlets, place on public opinion, perceived professionalism, and readership numbers. Exclusives, in particular, are held up as “exemplary illustrations of professional practice and signs of distinction within the profession” (50), because they represent journalists’ ability to develop information and the newspaper’s professional image and reputation (Gallego et al. 2004). As such, journalists driven by the potential reward of having exclusive news sources are more inclined to report on sexual violence cases involving sensitive figures or interest groups, even at the risk of being banned or penalized. As has been noted by a number of scholars, including Lei (2018) and Stockmann (2013), this demonstrates that the process of media marketisation which started in the early 1990s has had the effect of inspiring critical journalism among Chinese journalists.

Participant T provided an example of the impact of this media marketisation on their practices of reporting on socially-sensitive events:

I think the market is the “life” of sexual violence incidents. Even if we don’t report on these big-name sex scandals, someone will. It is like “a big piece of delicious meat” and it is right in front of you. (Participant T, female, working for a commercial news organization)

This underscores the far-reaching impact of market competition on Chinese journalists’ willingness to report on socially sensitive topics. With the rise of media marketisation, some journalists, especially those with commercial backgrounds, will rush to cover newsworthy incidents of sexual violence, thereby rendering censorship a secondary consideration. As Stockmann (2013, 61) has pointed out, in the context of the commercialization of the Chinese media, a new generation of Chinese editors and journalists, while knowing that they should “avoid political trouble to retain their jobs”, must at the same time also inherently prioritize and meet the readers’ demands. One reason for this is the growing link between salaries or promotions and the popularity of journalists’ news coverage (Stockmann 2013). This, again, exemplifies that the highly competitive media market has prompted Chinese journalists to come to terms with the necessity of resisting surveillance and government censorship of the news media. At the same time, they also need to satisfy public curiosity while subtly using social media to desensitize certain news.

My participants’ accounts indicate that the use of reporting tactics (at least partially) stems from the most basic survival needs, especially for those who work for profit-driven news outlets. This echoes Scott’s (1985, 296) emphasis on everyday resistance being driven by “self-interested material needs”. To survive in the environment of media marketisation, journalists must focus on socially-sensitive issues (usually linked to people’s daily lives) to arouse the public’s curiosity and increase the popularity and therefore profitability of their news reports.

However, it has to be acknowledged that encouraging victims of sexual violence to post about their experiences on social media ahead of news stories being published may sometimes come with its problems. Firstly, although my participants all claimed to have taken effective protective measures to reduce secondary victimization, when victims expose themselves on social media, misogyny and anti-feminist sentiments, which are prevalent online, are a frequent rection to that (see, for example, Han 2018; Huang 2016). Secondly, as some of the participants (e.g., Participants Q and R) pointed out, the dissemination of #MeToo testimonies on social media accompanies a post-truth sentiment, in which the public cares more about the expression of affection and emotions than the truth behind a #MeToo story. Thirdly, due to the invisible restraints of the traditional news environment, journalists have become more dependent on social media to “build momentum” (zaoshi 造势), thereby weakening the power that the news media is expected to exert by the media professionals and the public. As such, social media has the power to undermine news professionalism when journalists increasingly rely on readily-available second-hand social media sources instead of spending time investigating the stories (Zhang and Li 2020).

Publishing Stories Before Official Directives Are Issued

The central government’s propaganda department often issues formal instructions with regard to prominent news events, even after news stories have already been released (Lüqiu 2018). This is also known as “ex-post censorship”, which involves the censoring or blocking of published news reports (Lei 2018, 83). A number of the journalists interviewed for this study recounted their experiences of publishing news items ahead of any official directives issued by the propaganda department. For instance, Participant Q, working for a commercial newspaper, stated that: “I always try to finish the news reporting involving sensitive topics before the bans (jin ling禁令) arrive”. She explained that some senior editors and experienced journalists in her workplace can anticipate which stories might be strictly censored, and accordingly have suggested that sexual violence incidents involving important individuals or interest groups at a local level should be published as quickly as possible. This is particularly significant because it always takes a while for official censorship instructions to go into effect. Consequently, if journalists can publish news stories quickly, those cases stand a chance of coming to light for a period of time, be that minutes or hours or even days. As Participant C noted:

We all agree that even if this matter [the news article] lasts for 5 minutes, 10 minutes, or less, as long as it has been published online and seen by others, it has completed its mission. (Participant C, female, working for a commercial news outlet)

Journalists such as this are thus not as concerned about whether the news content they report on will eventually be censored, but about whether the news reports are able to be seen by the public, even if only for a minute, rather than being entirely “stifled in the cradle”. This reporting tactic sometimes requires journalists and news outlets to take great political risks when reporting on specific topics, with potential punishments including having their license/press card revoked as a journalist (Sonnad 2014). In this context, it takes courage for Chinese journalists to report on sensitive issues such as politically-sensitive sexual violence incidents, before bans are put in place.

Scott (1990) argues that such courage is admirable, and that those who resist, even if they fail, form part of the script of resistance. In the Chinese context, this likewise bears great significance, whether it serves to empower their counterparts or inform the public about what has happened to female victims of sexual violence.

This approach to reporting also presents several issues, however. When news reports about incidents of sexual violence are rushed out with little time given to thorough investigations, the reporting may be incomplete (e.g., in the form of a short newsletter that lacks detail) or biased (e.g., only the perpetrators were interviewed), leading to a skewed depiction of the events and people involved, especially the victims. It also raises an ethical and professional dilemma about whether to seize the moment and report on cases quickly or to forego covering the news when the information is insufficient. This tactic is thus arguably a double-edged sword for journalists: it is an expression of disobedience to official directives, but it can also affect journalists’ credibility and careers when they only have a very limited time to investigate certain cases due to the need to publish quickly.

Conclusion

This study has highlighted four tactics that Chinese journalists seem to employ to justify the reporting of sexual violence cases against women, and thus resist, overtly or implicitly, the media censorship of certain incidents of sexual violence. Firstly, journalists often rely on the citation of official sources to gain implicit permission to publishing news reports about sexual violence incidents. While this approach enables the stories to be published, it tends to suggest that the journalists in question support the official state narrative when this may not be the case. Secondly, Chinese journalists seem to focus on the educational implications of sexual violence incidents to justify their publication of these reports, including the possibility of drawing public attention to the underlying social issue and publicizing relevant laws and regulations. As such, some journalists see the educational potential in reporting on sexual violence and feel responsible for discouraging such crimes. Thirdly, journalists use social media to build momentum around a story, exploiting the attention sexual violence incidents receive to lessen its sensitivity and make it more visible to the public. This tactic illustrates how public opinion and sentiment can empower journalists, particularly those working in commercial media, to report on sensitive topics. Lastly, journalists aim to quickly publish news on sexual violence cases before any official directives are issued, giving the story at least a moment in the public eye. This tactic is a more open form of resistance and requires a great deal of bravery.

These tactics reflect the efforts of Chinese journalists to report on sexual violence and their complex relationship with the market and authorities, challenging the stereotype that they are either mouthpieces of the central government or engaged in anti-government resistance. Moreover, these tactics reflect how the digitalization and commercialization of the Chinese media is significantly influencing how journalists report on women’s issues. The increasingly widespread discussion of sexual violence on social media has motivated journalists to report on the issue, whether out of a sense of social responsibility or in pursuit of economic benefits. Overall, despite operating in an environment where topics such as the #MeToo movement and other “negative” social issues are generally silenced, most of the participants have shown dedication in reporting on these issues.

However, these journalistic tactics also come with a range of negative consequences. For instance, by relying too much on official narratives when reporting on controversial cases of sexual violence, journalists may end up perpetuating dominant discourses and diminishing the voices of individual victims. Furthermore, as the media coverage is often restricted to merely reporting on the laws and regulations in relation to sexual violence, rather than furthering feminist ideals, this does little to challenge gender stereotypes and debunking rape myths. Another concern is that by encouraging victims to share their experiences and reveal incidents of sexual violence on public platforms, journalists can potentially expose victims to secondary harm and additional trauma. Moreover, Chinese journalists may also inadvertently misrepresent victims due to attempts to evade of official directives, potentially damaging their credibility.

These issues thus reflect the contradictory identities and various limitations Chinese journalists have to grapple with due to the specific socio-political context in which they operate. In an environment where journalists are both part of and subject to the control of the authoritarian system, the types of acts of resistance they are willing or able to engage in are severely limited. This, in turn, obstructs the spread of knowledge about sexual violence, thereby hindering the cultural and social change which comes with a better public understanding of the issue.

Ultimately, the study further underscores that in order to avoid “causing social turmoil”, Chinese journalists have to carefully gauge the way in which they communicate news reports about sexual violence, needing to avoid the appearance of challenging the government’s ideology and its insistence on social harmony.

Acknowledgments

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisors, Dr. Jonathan Howlett, Dr. Boriana Alexandrova, and Professor Stevi Jackson, for their professional support during my Ph.D. studies. I also thank the anonymous reviewers for their precious time and helpful suggestions for this manuscript. Finally, I appreciate the active participation of those journalist participants whom I cannot name here.

Disclosure Statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

The initial part of this research was undertaken with the support of the China Scholarship Council (CSC) [grant number: 201908140114]. The author received no funding during the writing of this manuscript.

Notes

1 The press card is issued by the General Administration on Press and Publication (GAPP) and affiliated local bureaus. Journalists working for Chinese news organisations must hold a recognised press card to legally practise their profession.