Social Networking and Cultural Adaptation: A Theoretical Model

Abstract

This paper demonstrates a theoretical model for the influence of social networking on cultural adaptation. Through the integration of cultivation theory and ethnic group vitality, this model proposes social networking affects immigrants’ interactions with the dominant culture as well as in-group communication.

Keywords:

• Cultural Adaptation
• Cultural Acculturation
• Cultivation Theory
• Ethnic Group Vitality
• Social Networking Websites

Newcomers to cultures have used various technologies to resist and assist in the cultural adaptation and acculturation process for as long as immigration has taken place (Kim, 1988; Kramer, 2003). While technology as a broad concept has included numerous innovations such as medical practices and means of transportation (Croucher, 2008; Kramer, 2003), media, the focus of this essay, is particularly linked to cultural adaptation (Croucher, 2008; Trebbe, 2007; Tsai, 2006; Ye, 2006). Research demonstrates that immigrants use media to aid in the adaptation process (Hwang & He, 1999; Raman & Harwood, 2008) and to maintain ties with the homeland (Durham, 2004; Lee, 2004). However, less research has examined the impact of new media—Internet, social networking, blogs, and multimedia—on the process of acculturation (Wang, Huang, Huang, & Wang, 2009). As new media continue to change and develop, and as immigration remains a significant economic, political, and social issue, investigating the study of how technology influences immigrants in new cultures takes on increased importance.

Research on cultural adaptation indicates that the process of adapting to a new culture is difficult. Generally, individuals experience stress, depression, loneliness, and other negative emotions (Chun & Choi, 2003; Croucher, 2008; Kramer, 2003). However, Ye (2006) discovered that the use of online ethnic support groups among Chinese international students helped reduce acculturative stress. Participation in such groups provided students with a sense of belonging with other international students. Similarly, Wang et al. (2009) revealed Chinese students who experience “negative” emotions are more likely to seek out online communication or social networking. Tsai (2006) also uncovered that the Internet provided Taiwanese immigrants with an opportunity to improve linguistic fluency and also indicated Internet usage aided in the adaptation process.

Researchers emphasize the importance of host culture media in the acculturation process (Khan, 1992; Kim, 1988; Raman & Harwood, 2008) and overwhelmingly support the notion that newcomers to a culture find media produced in their native country or culture the most appealing (e.g., Durham, 2004; Hargreaves & Mahdjoub, 1997; Lee, 2004). As Internet usage rapidly increases, immigrants use the Internet as their primary vehicle for media information and social support (Ye, 2006).

This essay proposes a theoretical model that demonstrates the relationships between cultural adaptation and the Internet; specifically, the essay analyzes the role of social networking sites. Social networking sites have gained in popularity among immigrants in many nations as a way not only to keep in touch with members of their in-group, but also to foster relationships with members of their new dominant cultural milieu.

Propositions

That media are a significant element of the cultural adaptation process is well recognized. What has received less research attention is how social networking sites affect the cultural adaptation process. Scholars studying the cultural adaptation process have identified various media and interpersonal theories or frameworks that predict adaptation or acculturation success. Raman and Harwood (2008) applied the cultivation framework to the cultural adaptation process of Asian Indians to the United States. Croucher, Oommen, and Steele (2009) and Croucher (2009) utilized ethnic group vitality theory to understand the cultural adaptation of Muslims in France. This essay utilizes both theories to develop propositions for new media use and cultural adaptation.

Cultural Adaptation, Social Networking, and Cultivation

Cultivation theorists assert that heavy television use often leads to an inability to distinguish the “reality” of television from objective reality (Gerbner & Gross, 1976; Gerbner, Gross, Morgan, Signorielli, & Shanahan, 2002). Cultivation research has found that, compared with light viewers, heavy television viewers are more likely to provide television answers to questions related to social reality and thus are “cultivated” (Gerbner & Gross, 1977; Gerbner et al., 2002). The effects of cultivation are divided into first-and second-order effects. First-order effects are approximations regarding the significance of specific aspects of everyday life, such as crime and law enforcement (Shrum, 1995). These are the general impressions people have about what they learn from television. Second-order effects represent specific beliefs and attitudes like political orientation and religious identification that can be based on statistics garnered from television research. Moreover, second-order effects are often more difficult to counter as they can be based on statistical accounts and deeply held beliefs such as political and religious attitudes. Raman and Harwood (2008) examined the relationships between cultivation, acculturation, and other types of media including movies, magazines, newspapers, and the Internet. The authors contend such media are integral to acculturation as each has global reach. When exploring the moderators of the cultivation effect on acculturation levels, the authors found that other media consumption, non-American produced, was a significant predictor of acculturation levels. Hadj Hmida, Ozcaglar-Toulouse, and Fosse-Gomez (2009) found the Internet is likely to influence the acculturation process.

One form of Internet particularly important in the cultural adaptation or acculturation process is social networking sites (Chen, Bennett, & Maton, 2008; Croucher & Cronn-Mills, 2011; Tufekci, 2008). Such sites provide individuals interpersonal connection with others, relational satisfaction, and a way to learn about the surrounding cultural milieu. It is clear from the literature that media influence how audiences perceive the surrounding environment (Chen et al., 2008; Tufekci, 2008). When immigrants migrate to a new culture, the use of social networking sites will more than likely influence how they perceive the dominant culture, a cultivation effect, which may impact their communication with host nationals. This behavioral outcome is framed as a proposition (P):

P1:  During cultural adaptation, the use of social networking sites affects immigrants’ interactions with the dominant culture.

Operationally, this proposed relationship be evidenced through immigrants’ interactions with the dominant culture, which include frequency of interaction with the dominant culture, use of dominant or ethnic media, perception of the dominant culture, familiarity with dominant language or cultural norms, identification with dominant or ethnic culture, involvement in dominant political system, and motivation to adapt or acculturate (Croucher, 2009; Kim, 1988, 2001). Overall, increased social network use, particularly among individuals from the same social group, will more than likely lead to decreased steps toward acculturation.

Cultural Adaptation, Social Networking, and Ethnic Group Vitality

Vitality is the idea that groups with higher status, demographic numbers, and institutional support are likely to have more political and economic power than others (Giles, Bourhis, & Taylor, 1977). Thus, group vitality is the strength with which a social context supports a specific group (Giles & Coupland, 1991; Hecht, Jackson, & Pitts, 2008). Groups generally able to maintain their identities and have high vitality are frequently majority groups. Minority groups often lack power and vitality, and many find it hard to exist as distinct groups and maintain unique identities (Croucher et al., 2009; Giles et al., 1977). Therefore, in order to maintain individual group identities, many minority groups retain and strengthen group boundaries and ethnic and religious group memberships. The strengthening of group identification, in opposition to the majority, often sets up an in-group/out-group dichotomy (Tajfel, 1978).

One way many immigrant groups have established boundaries and defended their group identity is through the Internet. Many scholars have found immigrant populations in various nations use the Internet to reconnect with their homeland, strengthen community ties, retro-acculturate, culturally adapt, and find intimate partners (Chan, 2005; Croucher et al., 2009; Eriksen, 2007; Jandt, 2004; Mitra, 1997; Wang et al., 2009). Croucher and Cronn-Mills (2011) discovered French-Muslim immigrants use social networking sites to strengthen their Islamic identities at the expense of their French identities, thus diminishing their desire to acculturate. Other researchers have found similar results among different minority or ethnic groups regarding the use of various Internet media to strengthen immigrant or ethnic identities (Clothier, 2005; Melkote & Liu, 2000; Mitra, 1997; Raman & Harwood, 2008; Wang et al., 2009). Ultimately, the use of social networking sites and other Internet media affects the maintenance of ethnic group members’ identity. As immigrants culturally adapt, the use of social networking sites will be utilized to strengthen in-group identity. This behavioral outcome is framed as the following proposition:

P2:  During cultural adaptation, the use of social networking sites will affect immigrants’ in-group communication.

From an operational perspective, this relationship should be evidenced through frequency of immigrants’ online interactions with members of the dominant culture and immigrant or ethnic groups in such areas as language choice during social network use, selection of online groups, and choice of social networks (Croucher & Cronn-Mills, 2011; Tufekci, 2008; Wang et al., 2009; Ye, 2006). These behaviors will influence an immigrant's level or desire to acculturate.

Conclusion

These propositions could lead to numerous hypotheses and/or research questions in cultural adaptation or acculturation studies. From a cultivation perspective, future studies could examine how the frequency of immigrant use of social networks such as Facebook, Myspace, and Twitter affects immigrant adaptation processes in multiple ways, including frequency of interaction with dominant culture, their use of dominant and ethnic media, perception of the dominant culture, familiarity with dominant language or cultural norms, identification with dominant or ethnic culture, involvement in the dominant political system, and motivation to acculturate. Regarding group vitality, empirical investigations could look at how online interaction, language choice online, and choice of social networks influence the level of acculturation and desire to acculturate.

This essay proposed ways to study the relationships between cultural adaptation and the use of social networking sites. As such websites gain in popularity, their role in the cultural adaptation process cannot be ignored. Intercultural communication scholars should continue recognizing the changing landscape of global media and its concomitant effects on adaptation. This essay is one step in that direction.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Stephen M. Croucher

Stephen M. Croucher is an Associate Professor of Communication in the School of Communication and the Arts, Marist College