Identities: experiences and impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic from the perspectives of older Chinese immigrants in Canada

ABSTRACT

The COVID-19 pandemic has profoundly impacted people’s lives globally; this is especially true for the older population. In this exploratory qualitative study 15 in-depth interviews were held to understand the unique experiences of older Chinese adults in Canada in the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Participants’ narratives were shaped by their multiple and intersecting identities as immigrants, older adults, people of Chinese descent and as family members. In the face of challenges related to grief, loneliness, social isolation, ageism and racism, study participants demonstrated considerable resilience and strength, particularly with the adoption of technology in their daily lives. As the pandemic enters the second wave in Canada, study findings reinforce the need for anti-ageism, anti-racism and strength-based social work practice, research, and policies aimed at improving older immigrants’ lives during pandemics.

新冠肺炎疫情对全球人民的生活产生了深远的影响, 对长者群体来说尤其如此。这项探索性的质性研究通过15次深入访谈, 了解了加拿大华人移民长者在新冠肺炎疫情流行早期的亲身经历。研究发现, 参与者的移民, 长者, 华裔和家庭成员的多重和交叉的身份塑造了他们的独特经历。面对与哀伤, 孤独, 社会孤立, 年龄歧视和种族主义等相关的挑战, 华人长者移民表现出相当的韧性和力量, 特别是表现在日常生活中对科技的使用。随着加拿大进入新冠肺炎疫情第二波, 该研究结果强调了在疫情期间对反年龄歧视, 反种族主义和优势视角的社会工作实践, 研究, 以及改善移民长者生活的政策等的必要性。

KEYWORDS:

• COVID-19
• older adult
• Chinese immigrant
• racism
• ageism
• qualitative research

Introduction

Coronavirus (COVID-19) is a global pandemic producing dramatic shifts in world economies and profoundly impacting people’s physical and psycho-social well-being (World Health Organization 2020; Zhang and Song 2020). Older adults are at particular risk of experiencing the dire impact of COVID-19 (United Nations 2020), with a significantly higher risk of severe disease and mortality following infection, compared to their younger counterparts (World Health Organization 2020). Considering their general dependence on medical treatment and health care, older people face additional challenges with limited healthcare services and resources as a consequence of the pandemic (Human Rights Watch 2020). Exposure to COVID-19 also carries additional risk for older adults who require services provided by caregivers, such as those with disabilities, (Makaroun, Bachrach, and Rosland 2020).

In addition to the profound physical health consequences associated with COVID-19, a pattern of negative impacts on older adults’ psychological well-being has begun to emerge. Self-isolation has been associated with increased mental health issues, such as depression and anxiety among older adults (University of Ottawa 2020) and, as many older people quarantine with family members and/or caregivers during lockdowns, the risk of elder abuse is elevated (McMaster University 2020). The pandemic has also escalated prejudice towards and marginalisation of older adults (Fraser et al. 2020), ranging from the social media trend of hashtag “boomer-remover” to at least one country’s age-based selective lockdown policy in the name of herd immunity (Lichtenstein 2021; University of Ottawa 2020).

Canada is a developed country with a sizable older population, more than one-sixth of whose population is aged 65 years or older (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020). In response to a rise in confirmed COVID-19 cases, Calgary, the largest city in the province of Alberta, was the first Canadian city to declare a state of local emergency (Lev 2020), lasting between 15 March and 12 June 2020 (City of Calgary 2020).

Literature review

Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on older adults’ psycho-social well-being

Considerable research has documented that older adults have higher infection rates, more severe symptoms and higher mortality rates due to COVID-19 than their younger counterparts (Zhang and Song 2020). Although wrongly perceived as an “old adult problem” (Fraser et al. 2020, 693), more than 80% of COVID-19-related deaths in Canada occurred in long-term care homes as of the end of June 2020 (Grant 2020), with some suggesting that the lives of older adults were deemed as less worthy than those of younger people (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020; Fraser et al. 2020). The additional stressors and psycho-social challenges older adults experience as a result of the pandemic have had detrimental mental health repercussions (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020), with some experts predicting a “tsunami of psychiatric illness” (Tandon 2020, 1).

Public health policies in Canada requiring “social distancing” to combat the spread of the virus have negatively influenced older adults’ psycho-social well-being, resulting in social alienation and loneliness (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020). Older adults who also endure quarantine, unlike younger generations, often have more challenges connecting with the outside world. For instance, they often have less technological and internet engagement, which affects their ability to socialise, gather important information (Cox 2020) and access social support, leading to greater levels of social isolation and loneliness (Zhang and Song 2020). Social isolation and loneliness serve as important contributors to older adults’ physical health and psycho-social well-being. Previous studies have found that these two factors independently increase the risk for high blood pressure and other coronary artery and heart diseases, worsen sleep quality and increase depressive symptoms and the adoption of unhealthy habits such as smoking and alcohol consumption (Hwang et al. 2020). Pandemic-related closure of services contributed to a shortage of service provision and an increased risk of developing depression (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020; Hwang et al. 2020).

Impact of COVID-19 on racialised communities’ psycho-social well-being

In addition to age, immigration status and ethnicity affect psycho-social well-being. Despite the often-touted sentiment that Canadians were encountering the pandemic together, immigrants were more concerned about the impact of COVID-19 than their Canadian-born counterparts. Almost half reported that they were “very” or “extremely” concerned about their health, whereas only one-third of Canadian-borns felt that way (Frank 2020). In addition, 43% of male immigrants reported that this pandemic would have a “major” or “moderate” impact on their finances, while only 27% of Canadian-born men shared this feeling.

People of colour were not only disproportionally negatively impacted by the pandemic, they were also subjected to heightened racism. For instance, despite comprising 52% of the population in Toronto, people of colour accounted for 83% of COVID-19 cases during one-month (Seucharan and Bascaramurty 2020). Also, people of Chinese descent were increasingly being scapegoated for the pandemic. More than 600 anti-Asian racist incidents were reported since the pandemic began, nearly 30% of which were assaults (e.g. targeted coughing, spitting, physical violence) (Xu 2020). Thirty per cent of more than 500 Chinese Canadians surveyed by the Angus Reid Institute (2020) reported being frequently exposed to racist messaging on social media since the beginning of the pandemic, while just as many said they had frequently been made to feel as though they posed a threat to the health and safety of others. Two-thirds shared that the coverage from North American news outlets led to negative views of people of Chinese ethnicity in Canada due to the COVID-19 outbreak. Just over half expressed worries that Asian children would be bullied when they returned to school.

Social and psychological well-being among older Chinese immigrants

Pre-pandemic studies documented Chinese older immigrants’ lower mental health compared to the older population in general (Lai 2004a) and challenges related to acculturation and adaptation, termed acculturative stress (Smart and Smart 1995). Among older Chinese immigrants a lower level of English proficiency was associated with more depressive symptoms (Casado and Leung 2002). Those who reported more cultural barriers and a higher reliance on Chinese cultural values had a greater likelihood of being depressed (Lai 2004b). Migratory grief, grief caused by a symbolic loss, such as loss of homeland, status, social environment, and cultural identity, has been identified in older immigrants (Casado, Hong, and Harrington 2010) and in association with increased depressive symptoms among older Chinese immigrants, specifically (Casado and Leung 2002).

Studies from the U.S. have documented the commonality of loneliness, a widely used indicator of well-being, in older Chinese immigrants, especially among women, those of older age, and living alone, according to a large population-based survey (Simon et al. 2014). Qualitative studies have reported that loneliness, experienced as emotional and social isolation, was frequent (Dong et al. 2012) and, together with social isolation, one of the most prominent challenges this population faces (Li, Xu, and Chi 2018). Older Chinese immigrants who lived alone or experienced loneliness were found to suffer extreme effects of marginalisation, including poorer health, inferior quality of life and more stressful life events (Dong et al. 2012; Mui 1999; Simon et al. 2014).

Among the many factors that contribute to older Chinese immigrants’ risk of developing mental health issues, less positive mental health help-seeking attitudes are significantly associated with their acceptance of Chinese beliefs and culture (Tieu and Konnert 2014). Additional service barriers include differences in ethnicity, language, or culture between older Chinese immigrants and service providers (Lai and Chau 2007; Tsoh et al. 2016) Older Chinese immigrants were more satisfied with family members’ informal support compared to formal social support provided by service agencies due to service barriers related to, for example, language differences and poor service literacy (Tsai and Lopez 1998).

As discussed above, pandemics have a considerable impact on older adults’ psycho-social well-being. Racialised communities and older populations face additional challenges. This study specifically focuses on older Chinese immigrants and explores their lived experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic. Findings are discussed in light of informing practitioners and policymakers to improve the quality of life among this population, especially in pandemics.

Theoretical lens: critical gerontology

Contemporary ageing in North America brings a unique challenge to family ties and living arrangements, as well as a greater need for healthcare and human services (Wellin 2018). With the rise of globalisation and the destabilisation of people’s everyday lives, a new theoretical direction on gerontology has been advanced (Estes and Phillipson 2017). Critical gerontology theory provides an incisive analysis of assumptions that maintain the status quo, the existing social order, and its treatment of older adults (Johnson 1995; Moody 2006). As an illustration, critical gerontology theory allows for the examination of the older population within the context of technological advancements where certain healthcare services and administration and interpersonal communications are provided through the internet, which has implications for service accessibility and delivery (Hill 2019). Also, as perceptions of illness, health, self, and family are not universal, critical gerontology invites the interrogation of diversity across cultures to deepen our understanding of these concepts (Luborsky and Sankar 1993).

Alluding to the cultural aspect of gerontology, specifically for older immigrants, it is crucial to understand their lives within their families and ethnocultural communities. For example, people in Canada of Asian ethnic origin, where filial obligation is pivotal, were twice more likely to provide at least three hours of care to older family members than those of British origin (McDonald 2011). Older adults who belong to ethnocultural groups can be viewed as being exposed to double jeopardy due to age and ethnic stratification. They are differentially affected due to prejudice and discrimination that hinder their privilege, power and access to resources (Ferrer et al. 2017; McDonald 2011).

Critical gerontology highlights that ageing is not merely a “national” problem; rather movement between countries and globalisation play a role in contemporary ageing (Ferrer et al. 2017; Phillipson 2003; Wellin 2018). Global interconnections exist in virtually all areas of human activity, with globalisation exerting unequal and stratified effects on older people (Phillipson 2003). With an analysis of globalisation and ageing, critical gerontology emphasises how gender, class and ethnicity shape older adults’ experiences of the nation-state, migration, and the rise of trans-national organisations (Arber 2007; Baars et al. 2016; Ferrer et al. 2017; Phillipson 2003).

Unlike orthodox social gerontology theories that envision later life as reliance on social support and threats of social isolation, critical gerontology perceives older people as active participants in society (Ward 2000). Moreover, visible minority older adults may also have developed coping skills from discrimination and prejudice experienced over their life-course that can be transferred to combat ageism in later life (Phillipson 2003).

Critical gerontology emphasises a qualitative approach (Hill 2019) involving unpacking how “routine practices” are situated in certain socio-cultural and demographic contexts and within “the wider settings within which an event or process occurs” (Luborsky and Sankar 1993, 442). Thus, critical gerontology provides apt theoretical guidance for this study, which explores the experiences of older Chinese immigrants living in Calgary, Canada, during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Methodology

Following ethics approval, we used criterion sampling (Patton 2002) to select participants for the study who were Chinese immigrants aged 65 years or older and had lived in Calgary for at least ten years. Participants were recruited mainly through social media and their affiliation with non-profit organisations providing services for older Chinese adults. We also used purposive sampling to ensure the sample was logically representative of the population (Jupp 2006). We first collected basic demographic information (i.e. age, gender, years living in Calgary, first language, place of origin) of study volunteers and then selectively recruited 15 participants on the strategy of maximum variation based on these attributes (Patton 2002).

Due to public health restrictions prohibiting face-to-face interaction during the pandemic, we distributed study information posters electronically via faith and ethnocultural communities and service-providing organisations, who then distributed this information to potential participants. Interested participants contacted the first or second author, social work researchers, and practitioners fluent in English and either Mandarin or Cantonese. Participants provided written informed consent before engaging in an individual interview in a private setting in their home and at their convenience. Communication occurred mainly through WeChat (Guo 2017), a popular communication mobile app in Chinese communities, or via telephone. The interviews were conducted between late April and early May in 2020, approximately a month after the city of Calgary has declared a local state of emergency (City of Calgary 2020).

The interview guide, developed for the purpose of this study, included a list of questions and topics (i.e. migration history, daily life pre-and during the pandemic, and their awareness of COVID-19), which were discussed in a conversational style during the interview (Raworth et al. 2012). Interviews, which lasted between one to two hours, were audiotaped and were subsequently transcribed and translated into English. Each participant was provided with 20 Canadian dollars as an honorarium. Upon completing data collection, the six-stage Braun and Clarke (2006) thematic analysis technique was used to answer the research question. First, a thorough reading of the transcripts and any notes taken during the interviews was undertaken to ensure familiarisation with the data. Systematic data coding, where specific coding process among transcribers and ratings are triangulated and standardised, was then completed. Initial themes were generated from coded and collated data and subsequently further developed and repeatedly reviewed by the study team. Through this process, the themes were refined, defined, and named. Lastly, the writing of the analysis was completed (Braun and Clarke 2020).

Results

The demographic data, indicated by a self-chosen pseudonym from the 15 participants, are presented in Table 1. The purposive sampling method enabled us to draw our sample from a wide age range and balanced in terms of gender and first language. Seven males and eight females ranging in age from 65 to 83, with an average age of 73, participated in the study. All were retired, except one who was employed. Most participants were married (n = 8); others were divorced or separated (n = 3), widowed (n = 2) or preferred not to disclose their marital status (n = 2). Six participants lived with their spouse alone, five lived alone, three lived with their spouse and an adult child, and one resided with a roommate. Participants had lived in Calgary between one and 50 years, with 16 years as the average.

Table 1. Biographical information

No.	Name	Gender	Age	Marital status	Living arrangement	Employment	Years in Calgary
1	Lil Hui	Female	73	Married	Living with spouse and daughter’s family	Retired	12
2	Spring	Female	72	Widowed	Living with daughter’s family	Retired	2
3	Mujiang	Male	68	Married	Living with spouse	Retired	32
4	Yingli	Female	70	Separated	Living alone	Retired	11
5	Guo	Male	71	Married	Living with spouse	Retired	3
6	Meng	Female	83	Married	Living with spouse	Retired	4
7	Sky	Male	81	Married	Living with spouse	Retired	4
8	Bridget	Female	65	Married	Living with spouse and son	Retired/Housewife	1
9	Kaye	Female	82	Married	Living with spouse	Retired	26
10	Bei	Female	70	Unknown	Living alone	Retired	10
11	Wan	Female	69	Unknown	Living with a roommate	Retired	17
12	Shu	Male	69	Separated	Living alone	Employed	44
13	Uncle Pak	Male	83	Divorced	Living alone	Retired	50
14	Penguin	Male	75	Married	Living with spouse	Retired	7
15	Ming	Male	68	Widowed	Living alone	Retired	14

Participants’ experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic were influenced by their multiple and intersecting identities: immigration, age, ethnicity/race and family role. In addition, participants’ narratives underscored their use of technology as a means of coping during the pandemic. The following section presents each of these themes with illustrative quotes drawn from the transcripts and labelled with the participant’s self-chosen pseudonym, gender and age.

Immigration

Participants adopted a “cross-national” perspective on the pandemic, producing a hybrid style of behavioural practices incorporating public health directives from both Canada and China. Most, for example, shared that consistent with directives from China, they limited their social activities to a greater degree and wore face masks earlier than required by Canadian authorities.

I think of myself as an oriental. I still prefer more strict policies [to COVID-19]. (Mujiang, male, 68)

[The Canadian] authorities haven’t asked us to practice self-isolation. But we think we are very careful. Anyway, we don’t need to go to work. Why add chaos for ourselves? If we are [infected], it adds chaos for me, for my family, for society. No need. It’s that simple, right? (Lil Hui, female, 73)

In contrast, some adopted the Canadian public health measures, which did not require masks in the early stages of the pandemic.

[Canada] is a vast and sparsely populated country. Unlike China, which requires people to stay away from supermarkets and to wear masks, Canadians here rarely wear masks, so I don’t wear masks either. (Guo, male, 71)

As the outbreak occurred months earlier in China than in Canada, several participants took steps in advance to prepare.

I need to take medicine for high blood pressure. I bought the medicine in March. I knew that it would be more stressful to buy medicine during the epidemic. I bought enough medicine for three months. (Dream, female, 83)

Participants shared that they kept themselves informed about the pandemic in China and Canada and described feeling worried about family and friends in their homeland and relieved when things began to improve in China.

I am very concerned [about the situation in China]. Our relatives and friends are all in China, so we [my wife and I] pay close attention to it. We can see from the news what is going on in every place. We must be worried, but we don’t think it is very serious, because we know that the control and prevention measures of the epidemic situation in China [are good], so we are not worried too much. Our family members, relatives and friends haven’t had any issues. (Sky, male, 81)

Some identified feeling confused about the differences in COVID-19 policies between Mainland China/Hong Kong and Canada.

The situation in Canada seems a little different from China. As soon as it [COVID-19] came, everyone responded quickly [in China], then everyone went to stay at home quickly, and they wore masks. Here, I’m a little bit concerned about wearing masks. Although there are few people here, I find that not many people are wearing masks, unlike everyone in China who wears masks. Their thoughts may be different from our [Chinese] thoughts. I went to the bank, and the bank staff were wearing masks. I think it is better to wear a mask. Wearing a mask is self-protection and also seems responsible to others, right? (Lil Hui, Female, 73)

Participants expressed concern related to the lock-down directives, their age and their “cross-national life”. Not being able to travel to visit their family and friends, especially at a later stage of life, brought extra difficulties.

I just told the children that I would return to China for a year or two after the epidemic. I would like to go out and travel … My daughter said, “Mom, this year may be a bit difficult to go back to China.” So, we are still very worried about the epidemic. (Lil Hui, female, 73)

Immigration background conferred on participants a “cross-national” perspective whereby they engaged in and reacted to the various cultural and policy differences between China and Canada in relation to COVID-19. This identity marker also led to the development or further enrichment of cross-national networks, via virtual technologies, during the pandemic.

Older age

Participants considered themselves as a vulnerable, high-risk population requiring extra care.

Especially now that my wife is already 70 years old and I am 75, we belong to the high-risk population, we know what is going on. We are not afraid to die, but we do not want to burden the young ones. So, we try our best to take care of ourselves, and I am very cautious. I have been wearing face masks for a long time ago, and I will put on full protective gear to go out. (Penguin, male, 75)

Because I am getting older … The most important thing is to stay healthy; I cannot take my health for granted. Because when you get infected, you may die, and there will be nothing more to think about, right? (Bridget, female, 65)

… before the pandemic, people would encourage us to come out and socialise in the lobby. There were also many activities for us, so we can be less lonely. But during the pandemic, all of us need to maintain distancing. We are discouraged from leaving our flats to talk to one another. So gradually we stay in our apartments and do not come out. That is my current situation. (Ming, male, 68)

Participants were prohibited from various social activities due to policies and by-laws.

My aunt recently passed away, but my son said that because I am above 65 years old, I am not allowed to attend the funeral. Therefore, I did not go. (Kaye, female, 82)

Participants also expressed concern related to ageist policies and ageism in the media. Guo (male, 71) commented about directives seeming to target “survival of the fittest”, and Meng (female, 83) similarly noted that society seemed to be “giving up on seniors”. Referencing the high rates of COVID-19 infection in a Canadian nursing home, she further commented:

I think it is because the government does not pay enough attention to nursing homes. I feel this way as if the government gives up on the elderly.”

Similarly, Sky (male, 87) responded to ageist reporting in the media:

Everyone has the right to live. Young and older. But the labour force indeed mainly depends on the young. But elders also contributed to the country when they were young.

At the early stage of the pandemic, participants also noted financial difficulties related to their age and exclusion from government subsidies related to COVID-19.

Unfortunately, in the case of an epidemic, we [older adults] cannot get any money from the government subsidies [in response to COVID-19]. (Mujiang, male, 68)

Yingli (female, 70) noted how accumulated life experiences due to ageing contributed to their resilience.

It’s not bad. It [the pandemic] doesn’t matter [that much]. In getting to 70 or 80 years old, we’ve met a lot of things in our life. We were able to overcome them correctly, and we don’t have great concerns. We do what we can do.

However, many participants also shared their concerns regarding the duration of the pandemic.

I am worried that the virus is tricky and irregular. I worry about whether lives will be normal [in China] or a second outbreak. And [worry about the situation] all over the world, especially the United States. I don’t think it will end soon. When can it end? (Sky, male, 81)

I am most worried that the pandemic will be prolonged. There will always be people who can’t return to work, which will affect all public welfare. I am still worried. But I don’t know exactly what it is like. (Spring, female, 72)

Being older not only contributed to participants’ high self-perceived risk of infection, but also reinforced their experiences of ageism as reflected by polices and media. As a protective factor, older age equipped participants with psychological resilience to combat the challenges of the pandemic, an advantage that would likely be considerably diminished, however, by the duration of the pandemic.

Racism towards people of Chinese descent?

Several participants reported experiencing racial discrimination. For some, this was described as normative as a Chinese person living in Canada. Others identified heightened discrimination as a consequence of the pandemic and their ethnicity, specifically.

It is undeniable that when we go out, people perceive us as Chinese. Even if you are born here, you are still with yellow skin and black hair. You can say you are a Canadian, but they will not consider you as a Canadian. (Shu, male, 69)

There has always been discrimination. It simply depends on how explicit it is. People may be doing it more obviously nowadays. So far, I have not heard or experienced it personally– COVID-related discrimination. But there has always been discrimination. I can still feel its presence in many places. (Ming, male, 68)

The current pandemic causes many people to look at us differently, believing that we brought this disease into the country. Because it happened to our country first, so it worsened their impressions of us. (Wan, female, 69)

I feel that we as Chinese, should work together cohesively to address this problem [of racism]. Others see many of us Chinese as carriers of the virus and that we are affecting their lives. I do not agree with this notion, and I feel we do not need to blame ourselves for this. (Shu, male, 69)

I can tell some people are blatantly despising us. I can feel it. When I talked with my Caucasian friends verbally, they would indirectly blame us for the problem. Eventually, many of our friendships ended because of this issue. (Shu, male, 69)

When the pandemic began, they [other Canadians] did not do anything, but they would look at you, and they would avoid you. I am fine with that because I thought it is me who should be avoiding you, not you avoiding me, since you are not wearing a face mask … they won’t really say anything. They would simply despise you … but we would not care, we would still wear a face mask. In the beginning, many people would look at us differently, but we would not care about it. (Bei, female, 70)

In some cases, this created discomfort and distress causing them further isolation.

I stopped going out on 17 March … because the people here do not wear face masks. Before the outbreak became serious, I would try to take the bus while wearing a face mask. People would think I am awkward. They would fear me. When I got on the bus, a woman saw me wearing a face mask, she was feeling not so comfortable, and I could feel it from her eyes … Later on, she saw another bus at the back, and she hopped off our bus. (Bridget, female, 65)

Participants commonly expressed worry about anti-Asian sentiment in the U.S., as evidenced in the news media.

From the news, we have observed [anti-Asian racism due to COVID-19]. It is not very obvious now in Canada, but the government can prevent it or seriously deal with some cases. For example, some political figures call the new coronavirus “Wuhan virus” and there are no further actions. Fortunately, the Prime Minister of Canada is not so bad. But do you think that we [in Canada] feel a little threatened, and we do feel a little bit? (Mujiang, male, 68)

The pandemic created negative experiences for participants because of their ethnicity/race, such as experiencing heightened direct or indirect discrimination, which led to feelings of fear, anger, and discomfort.

Family Roles as older parents and grandparents

The fear of susceptibility to the COVID-19 virus and becoming ill can be daunting. But older adults were also worried about becoming a burden to their family.

Just as the Chinese saying goes, “nothing is as touching as parents’ love” (可憐天下父母心), now I need to take good care of my body and serve my children well. I do not want them to worry about me or give them more burden. (Penguin, male, 75)

I need to be extra cautious because I am getting older, and I am considered a high-risk person. Secondly, when I migrated here, my son worked very hard, so I do not want to burden him. As I am getting older, I may not be able to do much, but I will do my best to help if there is anything I could help with. If I get infected, this may be the last time I could help him, and if I do not get infected, maybe I can still help him for a couple more years. So, I need to take good care of myself and be very careful. (Penguin, male, 75)

Similarly, families advised parents to reduce their risk of exposure to the virus.

In the beginning, I could not buy too much when I did groceries. I initially thought it would be OK to wear a face mask and do groceries once a week. But then, the pandemic became more and more serious, and the confirmed cases kept rising. I stopped going. My son also asked us not to go out but rather have someone deliver the groceries. Because we can now order groceries and request them to bring them to our front door, this is a decision made by the family, which is not to leave the house, because it is too dangerous. (Bridget, female, 65)

We obediently stayed at home. The children also told us. They said: “Mom, you don’t go anywhere.” They also pay attention when returning home from work. First, wash their hands and take a bath, then gargle. I pay much attention. I put the things the children bought at the door [to leave things for a while]. I don’t even look at them. I would go to get it after 24 hours. (Lil Hui, Female, 73)

Although the pandemic interfered with participants’ ability to carry out daily tasks, they also felt responsible for fulfilling household duties.

When I cook for the family, they like it too. And when they are happy, I am happy too. Because this is my responsibility, I think my current duty in the household is to cook. (Bridget, female, 65)

Participants expressed strong feelings of connection with their family, which were fostered by cross-generational interaction and continued intergenerational functional roles during the pandemic.

Use of technology

In the face of numerous challenges to their usual routines, participants found ways to cope, including using the internet and technology.

I have recently learned to use WhatsApp, where I can make video phone calls. In addition, I did not know how to use the phone to check emails, and now I have learned that too. (Ming, male, 68)

I also often watch the news on my mobile phone. The mobile phone is very good … I will learn English if I have nothing to do. I am still very interested in it. I will listen to English on my holidays. I use my mobile phone to listen. It’s very convenient. I can pause and take notes. I have a passion for learning. (Spring, female, 72)

Technology allowed participants to access information about the pandemic and connect with their families and friends, and in doing so, garnering support to assist in overcoming loneliness and social isolation.

Now that WeChat has been so convenient, basically, I do not need to make a phone call. I can have a video call or a voice call. It is very convenient, either way. Basically, I would know what is happening in the world through WeChat daily. But since I have been here for so long, I would still hope to meet my siblings face-to-face one day, as they are all in their 70s and 80s now. (Penguin, male, 75)

Moreover, as opportunities for social activities were halted as a consequence of the lockdown, participants described how technology facilitated their transition to virtual social activities.

We knew from mid-March that all activities would be suspended and closed. I cannot go to [the Catholic] church for the mass, but it is now held online. It means that the priest would conduct a mass on the internet every day, so once we know the time for it, we would turn it on and watch. Whatever they do during the mass, we will follow. When he prays, we will do that at the same time at our homes. The priest would tell you what to do so we can join him at home at the same time. (Wan, female, 69)

Participants used various technologies to maintain their daily routines, connect with friends and family online, and participate in virtual social activities.

Discussion

This study sheds lights on the unique experiences of older Chinese adults in Canada at the beginning of the COVID-19 pandemic during the City of Calgary lockdown. The findings revealed how these experiences were impacted by their multiple and intersecting identities as immigrants, older adults, people of Chinese descent, and as family members. Participants navigated the challenges of grief, loneliness and social isolation presented by the pandemic, demonstrating resilience and personal growth, particularly with the adoption of technology in their daily lives to remain active and engaged members of society.

Older Chinese immigrants: a “cross-national” lens

Participants were uniquely positioned as “cross-national” actors situated in their country of residence and their country of origin. Older Chinese immigrants in this way could prepare for the pandemic in advance and compare and incorporate various health and safety practices from both countries. Their preventative practices, such as making advance preparations, and maintaining social distance from others, however, also placed them at risk of racially-motivated violence, which was described as both normalized and exacerbated by the pandemic. Similar to research in Canada documenting anti-Asian sentiments (Angus Reid Institute 2020) and media reports of rising racism in the U.S. (Carpenter 2020), participants related incidences of racism and micro-aggression they experienced during the COVID-19 pandemic. Their worry was also heightened for themselves and other members of the Chinese community.

Their dual “belongingness” was implicated in how they both experienced stress and accessed psychological support. As the pandemic began in China, participants were extremely worried, which they acknowledged dissipated as the pandemic became less severe in China. However, once cases of COVID-19 increased in Canada, participants faced escalating levels of stress. The emotional consequences of the pandemic for this population may be overlaid by their experience of migratory grief, grief caused by a symbolic loss such as loss of a homeland, status, social environment and cultural identity, as a consequence of migration (Casado, Hong, and Harrington 2010). Migratory grief also contributes to psychological vulnerability for older immigrant adults such as increasing depressive symptoms (Ahn 2005; Casado and Leung 2002; Lee 2007; Lim et al. 2011). This grief might also be exacerbated for study participants since they were no longer able to travel to their homeland and feared being unable to travel once lockdown measures were lifted, due to their advancing age.

To combat grief, loneliness and social isolation participants reached out to cross-national support, largely media via the internet and technology, including consuming news from both Canada and China, transitioning to virtual activities via Zoom and connecting with friends and family in both countries via WeChat or telephone. However, these connections were not always positive. Sometimes news of the ongoing pandemic in China and Canada and the rise in anti-Asian racism documented in many countries contributed to their psychological stress.

Older adults and ageism

As older adults, study participants were self-identified as high-risk or vulnerable, which caused them to self-isolate to a greater extent than their younger counterparts (Fraser et al. 2020). Moreover, they were also concerned with the rise of ageism reflected by the excess mortality in long-term care settings and among older adults in general and through ageist portrayals in the media. Together, these caused heightened concern among older Chinese immigrants in their public lives (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020; Hwang et al. 2020; Zhang and Song 2020) and intensified the psychological and emotional challenges they faced as a consequence of their decreased mobility and social interactions (Flint, Bingham, and Laboni 2020; Hwang et al. 2020; Tandon 2020).

Older family members

Within Chinese collectivistic and Confucian culture, an individual’s family role is one of the most significant identities (Zhang 2020). This is especially true for individuals who live in a hybrid mode of cultures, mediated between their country of origin and their country of residence (Luborsky and Sankar 1993; McDonald 2011). This presents novel challenges to family dynamics between older parents and their adult children (Wellin 2018). In this study, older adults negotiated their own safety and the safety of their family with their adult children. Even in the face of changing roles, older adults expressed a desire to contribute to their family through domestic tasks and other support.

Resilience and adoption of technologies

Despite, or perhaps as a consequence of, these many challenges, study participants demonstrated considerable resilience in coping with their novel and rapidly changing environment. These coping strategies largely involved using technology and the internet to connect and maintain well-being. However, the double exclusion of physical contact and digital access among older populations in the pandemic context has been documented (Seifert, Cotten, and Xie 2020). A survey of 1,733 adults, for example, found that age was significantly positively related to COVID-19-related internet use but negatively related to the outcomes of information and communication acquired. That is, older people were marginalised in terms of digital inequality (Van Deursen 2020).

Significantly, when faced with the pandemic, participants were able to draw upon their lifetime of experience. Their resilience helped them cope with pandemic-related grief, social isolation, loneliness, racism and ageism. Older adults’ resilience has been documented in the literature examining their response to adverse situations such as disasters (Kwan and Walsh 2017). It should be noted that older people’s resilience does not diminish their very real need for support and services, including long-term care and health care services, the challenges of which have been revealed during the pandemic. Further, older adults’ resilience and coping strategies are likely to be challenged as the pandemic is prolonged. Indeed, some participants voiced this same worry.

Implications

Given participants’ reports, the prevalence of racism and ageism in Canada towards older Chinese immigrants (Mamuji et al. 2020) and their escalation as a consequence of the COVID-19 pandemic (Cheah et al. 2020), gerontological social workers, government agencies and others should advocate for and develop anti-ageism and anti-racism practices and policies.

Practitioners and policymakers should attend to how older immigrant adults’ “cross-national” perspectives contribute to both their strengths and their vulnerability. In doing so, they should draw upon these strengths to reduce grief, loneliness and social isolation. Facilitating the uptake of digital methods to help them continue to be engaged and contributing members of society is one mechanism.

The adoption or enhanced use of technologies was an important means for garnering social support and information for participants in this study. The pandemic has also stimulated transformation in the social work profession – through virtual delivery of services, community engagement and clinical practices (Cook et al. 2020). Given the very real issue of social isolation and loneliness for older adults (Wu 2020), and older immigrant adults (Frank 2020) in particular, the use of technology such as social media and video chats might mitigate these concerns (Hajek and König 2020). Gerontological social workers are encouraged to employ more inclusive virtual service delivery for older adults, paying attention to language and cultural competency. Additionally, the social work profession has a critical role in strengthening the digital literacy of older adults through training and promotion of the use of digital technologies for older immigrants. So-called “‘digital ageism’ could lead to informational disadvantages for Canadian seniors, particularly for immigrant seniors with language barriers” (Canadian Bankers Association 2020). Special efforts should be paid to those experiencing barriers to online access (Seifert, Cotten, and Xie 2020; United Nations University 2020).

Although study participants did not explicitly discuss experiences of elder abuse, increasing research has documented escalating rates of financial and physical abuse against older adults during the pandemic (Han and Mosqueda 2020; Moraes et al. 2020). The vulnerability of older adults to elder abuse during the COVID-19 pandemic warrants further attention.

Limitations and future studies

While this study explored the lived experiences and impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic among older Chinese immigrants in Calgary, the findings, like all qualitative research (Leung 2015), are not meant to be generalisable. Caution should be adopted in applying the study findings to other racialised older immigrants in Canada or in other countries. This warrants further research. Furthermore, study participants were recruited mainly through social media and their affiliations with non-profit organisations that specifically serves Chinese older adults and excludes more marginalised older adults. Future research should engage older adults who exhibit greater vulnerabilities. Study participants were also exclusively community-dwelling older adults. Residents of institutionalised settings faced markedly more difficult situations (Fallon et al. 2020), warranting further research.

Some researchers have also illustrated that the length of immigration plays an important role in adaptation in the host country among older populations, e.g. psychological well-being (Lee and Yoon 2011). In this study, details of the length of time participants had lived in Calgary were collected to ensure they had lived in Calgary long enough and experienced the COVID-19 pandemic in Calgary since it began. However, since there was insufficient variation in the duration of residence in Calgary, future studies are needed to understand how residence duration in the host country could impact older adults’ lived experiences during pandemics.

Study participants identified their gender as binary. Presenting a dichotomous view on older immigrants’ gender presents an incomplete picture, particularly in light of studies highlighting the double and triple jeopardy faced by sexual minority immigrants and older adults in society and with healthcare systems (Ansara 2015; Dysart-Gale 2010; Wong and Poon 2013). Specifically, during the pandemic, LGBTQ communities have reported greater mental health issues caused by social distancing practices compared to their non-sexual minority counterparts (Scroggs, Love, and Torgerson 2020). Additionally, our findings did not address how gender specifically influences an individual’s experiences during lockdown. However, considerable research has documented greater consequences of the pandemic for women compared to men, including the greater burden of housework and childcare, higher unemployment, higher health risk due to their reproductive needs, greater exposure to domestic violence, and higher levels of stress and risk of virus exposure associated with their higher rates of working as frontline health care professionals (Farré et al. 2020; Fortier 2020; Gausman and Langer 2020). Future research should, therefore, investigate gender in older adults’ responses to the pandemic.

Acknowledgement

“We would like to thank Mr. Ka Wai Wong for his assistance in this study”.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by the University of Calgary [Newcomer Research Network].