Papua New Guinea's Ok Tedi mine is known for producing one of the world's worst environmental disasters: since it began operating in the 1980s, it has released more than two billion metric tons of waste products directly into the Fly River system. Communities near the mine responded with international campaigns and lawsuits, putting mining pollution (and the corporations responsible) in the global spotlight. In Mining Capitalism: The Relationship Between Corporations and Their Critics, Stuart Kirsch argues that the environmental damage caused by Ok Tedi and other mining operations, the response of local communities and their allies, and corporate strategies designed to delegitimize activists’ claims expose the workings of contemporary capitalism. The tensions generated by mining conflicts can never be completely resolved; instead, corporations must respond to and manage their relationships with the public, while social movements must in turn develop novel tactics to confront them and address the problems of extractive activity.
Drawing on a wealth of documents, observations, and experiences, the book describes the actions and strategies of various actors, including community leaders, non-governmental organizations (NGOs), environmentalists, and the anthropologist himself. Over two decades of research, Kirsch took on various roles as he carried out ethnographic research, conducted a social impact study commissioned by the mining company, acted as an expert witness, and supported the struggles of people living near the mine. The book benefits from Kirsch's long-term and sustained involvement with communities affected by mining activity, and it makes a strong case for a politically engaged anthropology that acknowledges the researcher's role as a political actor rather than a distant, neutral observer.
Kirsch's concern for communities in the vicinity of the mine leads him to focus on the microeconomic dimensions of the ‘resource curse’. In Chapter 1, he introduces the concept of ‘colliding ecologies’ to describe the interaction of competing systems of exploiting natural resources (in this case, large-scale mining projects and indigenous subsistence production). Communities bear a disproportionate share of the costs of mining activity, but these costs (the loss of clean water, for example, or the threat to livelihoods) are not always visible and cannot be adequately compensated. The Ok Tedi mine's devastating effects were exacerbated by the project's longer-than-anticipated lifespan, an increase in production, and the company's failure to construct a tailings dam. But here, we also see the complicity of the state, which allowed the mine to operate without the tailings dam and continue discharging mining waste into the river.
Given the country's dependence on revenues from the mining sector, the plight of local communities needed to reach an international audience in order to amplify calls for corporate accountability. In Chapters 2 and 3, Kirsch addresses the internationalization of protest (what he calls the Politics of Space), and considers the strengths, limitations, and mixed success of international lawsuits and campaigns. In some cases, prolonged legal battles and out-of-court settlements do not succeed in stopping polluting activities. However, Kirsch notes that lawsuits and other actions (such as an International Water Tribunal where decisions are not legally binding) can help legitimate community demands, enroll supporters, increase public awareness, and eventually create changes in corporate practices.
As I observed in my own research in Peru, corporations commonly accuse NGOs of instigating conflict and influencing local actors. It is therefore worth noting Kirsch's point that local opposition to Ok Tedi was a catalyst for the formation of NGOs, and not the other way around (64). Kirsch's analysis focuses on the importance of global networks, but what is the relationship between international campaigns and local politics? For example, I wondered about the role of political parties and community-based organizations, and whether they intersected in any way with emergent mining movements or helped shape the experiences and commitments of key leaders. What was the interplay between mining activism and other political movements at the regional and national levels?
In Chapters 4 and 5, Kirsch turns to the mining industry and corporate social technologies used to counter protest and opposition from grassroots actors and NGOs. He seeks to show how corporations ‘manipulate science in order to limit critique’ (127), and ‘co-opt the discourse of their critics’ (160). The language of manipulation and cooptation implies that there are two distinct camps, yet the alliances and antagonisms in these conflicts are not always so clearly defined. Kirsch's examples suggest a deliberate attempt to deceive, which may be the case, but seems to simplify the diversity of interests and motivations of people on all sides of a conflict. However, this framing of the problem is central to Kirsch's main argument, which is that examples of corporate irresponsibility – such as the failure to predict the environmental disaster at Ok Tedi and corporate attempts to downplay the damage caused by their operations – are not exceptional, and are not even particular to the mining industry. In Chapter 4, Kirsch draws parallels between the tobacco, pharmaceutical, and mining industries, arguing that their (mis)use of corporate science (characterized by bias in study design, the selective publication of results, or the concealment of information, for example) is not restricted to a few unscrupulous companies, but is intrinsic to the way capitalism operates.
While this characterization of the corporation highlights the greed and disregard for human welfare that often accompanies the drive for profits, it risks glossing over the particularities of the modern mining industry, the country-specific politics of extractivism that enable it, and the particular ways in which science emerges as a point of contention in conflicts over resource extraction. These generalizations might frustrate some readers, including academics and practitioners working to improve mining standards, and those who might argue that mining can coexist with other economic activities. Kirsch's book seems to suggest that it is not necessary (or possible) to differentiate between good and bad companies, or to evaluate their performance based on standards of best practice. This raises some important questions: Are there gains to be made from demanding changes within the industry and more accountability from corporations, or do these small victories ultimately detract from a more serious critique of extraction-led development? Are these changes mostly superficial, reassuring the public while concealing the deleterious effects that inevitably accompany extractive projects? In Chapter 5, Kirsch describes how corporations appropriate the tactics of their opponents by adopting the discourse of sustainability. Whereas Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) has become a catch phrase for the industry, Kirsch sees corporate funding for conservation efforts, public health campaigns, and universities as a way for companies to acquire symbolic capital and improve their public image.
Kirsch writes that ‘studying the mining industry requires a healthy dose of skepticism and perhaps even a measure of cynicism’ (232). I share his view that CSR and corporate science should not be accepted uncritically, but I would also suggest that there is more at play than (or perhaps more happening alongside) deliberate manipulation and cooptation. Some of these complexities can be seen in Kirsch's discussion of audit culture, which comprises regimes of accountability that allow for self-regulation while validating the scientific studies that companies fund and carry out. These mechanisms of accountability often involve the consent and collaboration of NGOs, state institutions, and the public. Although we can find cases of blatant contamination and manipulation of scientific data, there are also instances where the indeterminacy of science contributes to controversy and conflict. For example, communities need scientific evidence to back up their claims about the effects of pollution, but it is often difficult to definitively prove the long-term effects of mining pollution or show a causal link between extractive activity and illnesses in neighboring communities. These uncertainties make science into a powerful, but also sometimes malleable and potentially risky, political tool for corporations and other actors, including NGOs, government agencies, and activists. In recent conflicts, mining critics have turned to the language and methods of science to call for independent studies and conduct their own environmental monitoring, but ultimately, science may be unable to address the multi-faceted concerns of local communities.
Mining Capitalism concludes on a hopeful note, but hope does not come from changes within the industry. It comes from the exchange of information among activists and opportunities for mutual learning that have inspired actions such as community referenda in Latin America and the recognition of the indigenous right of free, prior, and informed consent. Kirsch does not provide easy answers, since he ultimately argues that the ‘fundamental dilemmas of contemporary capitalism cannot be resolved; they are part of the dialectical relationship between corporations and their critics that inevitably leads to new forms of contestation on both sides’ (234). On a more optimistic note, however, documenting the struggles of communities shows how increased public awareness and international solidarity can act as an antidote to the politics of resignation so prevalent around us. There is no doubt that Kirsch's politically committed ethnography has produced a rich analysis, and he accepts the risks and ‘potential blind spots’ that may result from taking a political stance (12). One of these risks is reinforcing a conception of ‘politics’ that assumes a clear delineation of groups, unambiguous interests, and clearly defined agendas. An engaged anthropology that also allows for a nuanced reconceptualization of politics may help counter the polarization that characterizes current debates over resource extraction and the resignation that often results from this impasse.