The Somali Youth League constitution: a handwritten Arabic copy (c. 1947?) from the Ethiopian Security Forces Archives in Harär

Abstract

The group founded in 1943 as the Somali Youth Club (SYC) and reorganized in 1947 as the Somali Youth League (SYL) dominated Somali politics for decades, yet has been subjected to little focused scholarship. This article briefly summarizes the SYL's history; reproduces and translates an Arabic copy of the party's constitution which is housed in the Harärgé branch of the Security Forces Archives in neighboring Ethiopia; and comments on the problematic nature of the document's Arabic. This version of the SYL constitution is part of the SYL's history in Ethiopia, as well as the group's changing and poorly understood relationships with the Addis Abäba government and Ethiopia's security forces headquarters in Jijjiga and Harär.

Keywords:

• Somalia
• Ogaden
• Harär and Jijjiga (Ethiopia)
• African nationalism
• African Arabic

Notes

1. Geshekter, “Anti–Colonialism and Class Formation,” 25.

2. Touval, Somali Nationalism, 61–2. Once the basic ideas of pan–Somali nationalism were planted, their growth was facilitated by at least two additional factors. The first is that during WWII Somalis listened to Arabic language radio broadcasts from London calling for Somalis to eject the Italians from Northeast Africa, fight against Fascism more broadly, and thusly attain freedom. This propaganda resonated with southern Somalis owing to the second factor, which is that Fascist rule was severe, relying on “forced labor and a humiliating racial policy” (Touval, Somali Nationalism, 62), thus generating profound bitterness. For more on Fascist Italian policies in Somalia, see Hess, Italian Colonialism in Somalia.

3. See Castagno, “Somali Republic,” 521, who lists the age date range as 15–30; and Barnes, “The Somali Youth League,” 280, who, based on his extensive research in the Public Records Office (PRO) archives, offers 18–32. Either way, the SYL's change in age policy perhaps resulted from the opposition of older men, who feared that the political party threatened their authority in society; on this point, see Hanley, Warriors: Life and Death, 143–4. Also note Article 36 in the version of the Somali Youth League Constitution in this paper.

4. Castagno, “Somali Republic,” 521. For an excellent overview of the SYL's spread in the Ogaden and a provocative analysis of how that expansion may have affected the organization as a whole, see Barnes, “The Somali Youth League.”

5. The unity of these five neighboring territories was famously symbolized in the five points of the white star gracing the flag of the Republic of Somalia. The star itself was to represent African freedom, and the light blue background to portray respect for both the Somali sky and the United Nations, which assisted Somali efforts to attain independence.

6. Ethiopian Security Forces reported claims that SYL offices were opened in Nairobi and Tanganyika. Harärgé Regional Archives, Security Forces Collection: Harär Province/Jijjiga Region, M1, #8/307, 26 Genbot 1939 (June 3, 1947); and Harär File H–1–1 “About the Geläb Organization (Meaning the Somali Organization),” Incomplete interview of Haji Nur, document following his statement of 14.3.40 (November 24, 1947).

7. Castagno, “Somali Republic,” 523; and Lewis, A Modern History, 122. Barnes's “The Somali Youth League,” focusing on the Ogaden, provides the most detailed account of the SYL's spread anywhere, and addresses the dynamics of both inter–governmental rivalries and their interplay with various Somali clan and regional interests.

8. Barnes, “The Somali Youth League.” More generally, key published information is most easily derived from: Lewis, “Modern Political Movements,” 244–61 and 344–63; Lewis, A Pastoral Democracy, 266–96; Touval, Somali Nationalism; Castagno, “Somali Republic”; Pankhurst, Ex–Italian Somaliland, 175–84. Perhaps the most useful quick overview may be gleaned from the most recent incarnation of Lewis, A Modern History, especially chapters six and seven. Tantalizing details appear throughout Samatar and Samatar, “Somalis as Africa's First Democrats,” esp. 8–33.

9. The term 'al–waHdat comes from the Arabic verb waH–Ha–da which means to unite or to unify, and among the meanings for the derived noun 'al–waHdat is unity. Its usage in this document is odd, since Arabic-language oral and written conventions since the 1940s have commonly preferred waHdat 'ash–Shabaab 'aS–Soomaaliyy which is literally “Somali Youth Unity.” The term “league” was usually translated as waHdat instead of raabiTat, though in rare occasions ‘uSbat was used. In common parlance in the late 1940s and early 1950s, at least among Somalis with an Arabic education background, the standard referent was waHdat 'ash–Shabaab 'aS–Soomaaliyy. Personal communication, Mohammed al–Hadi, March 8, 2010.

10. 'at–ta‘allum (the learning): This is a common mistake among speakers of English and other languages. In Arabic the 'iDaafat structure requires two nouns, the first of which cannot accept the definite article. Since the equivalent in English starts with the definite article, literal translation commonly leads to this syntactical error. This error recurs frequently throughout this document.

11. On this indigenous script, also known as Far Soomaali, see Andrzejewski, “Language Reform in Somalia,” 60. Andrzejewski cites Martino Mario Moreno, Il Somalo della Somalia, Rome: Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, 1955 (pp. 290–7).

12. The word appears to be derived from the Arabic root rafa‘a, none of whose meanings are ‘appeal.’ The contexts where the term is used supported our choice, which has been confirmed as a Somali word that is still employed to mean ‘appeal.’ Personal communication, Mohammed al–Hadi, March 18, 2010.

13. The Arabic word ’al–khaarij means “outside.” Since there is a Supreme Committee in the main center, i.e., the capital city, it is assumed that this committee will be located outside the capital, i.e., in other parts of the country.

14. The Arabic word jam‘iyyat would be a better choice in this context. But since it and 'ijtimaa‘ come from the same root, and owing to the generally problematic nature of this document's Arabic, we regard them as interchangeable.

15. The Arabic at the end of this section is unclear and confusing. It may imply that the President should encourage more members to vote in party business.

16. The Arabic term is “elect.” However, since the subject in this sentence is the local deputy, “appoint” expresses a more accurate meaning.

17. It is not clear here whether the meaning is to previous SYC members, previous administration members, previous Municipal Committee members, etc. Our impression is that eligible persons will have been Club members for some time.

18. See note 16 above.

19. In Article X, the word used to describe this post is 'amin 'aS-Sondonq. In this Article, the document uses the word 'al–‘aamm (general) to modify the post.

20. The term taSarrufaat means “behaviors” or “manners.” In this context, we believe the writer meant to use ’al–maSruufaat meaning “expenditures.”

21. The word as it stands in the original document has no meaning due to a possible misspelling or other error. Our translation fits the context.

22. The wording here implies non-Somali Africans living in the five Somali-inhabited territories comprising Greater Somalia.

23. Whenever the word “shilling” is used in the document, the numerical amount is written calligraphically just below the term “shilling.”

24. We opted to use the word “committee” for ’idaarat although it means “administration,” since this choice is more consistent with the administrative structure of the organization, as described throughout the document.

25. Such sub–article items are listed differently throughout the original document. Articles V, VI, XXXV use letters (i.e., a, b, c) while Articles X XVIII, XIX, and XXXX use ordinals.

26. In the original document “twenty–three” is written and the correct word “forty” is penned in different handwriting above the error.