Abstract
This article discusses the hybridism of the Ethiopian developmental state through an analysis of the local interface between the state and the peasantry. The aim is to explore to what extent bureaucratic rationality both conditions and perverts the procedures employed in the implementation of public rural development policies, in this case agricultural extension. And to what extent development policies can operate as an instrument of power that reinforces the local disempowerment of the most vulnerable peasants. The article makes a detailed analysis of the machinery of agricultural extension, the local conditions of distribution and reception of fertiliser and improved seeds in rural Ethiopia.
Notes
11. CitationLefort, “Free Market, ‘Developmental State’ and Party-state Hegemony.”
13. See CitationChinigo, “Agrarian Transformation” or CitationDessalegn Rahmato, Peasant and the State on land titling; CitationLavers, “Food Security” or CitationFekadu Nigussa and CitationMberengwa, Challenges of PSNP on SafetyNet; CitationEmmenegger, CitationSibilo Keno, and CitationHagmann, “Decentralization to the Household” or CitationAbbink, “Ethnic-based Federalism on Decentralization”; and CitationTeferi Abate Adem, “Green Revolution” or CitationKassa Belay, “Constraints to Agricultural Extension on Agricultural Extension Itself.”
14. See CitationScott, Seeing like a State, on the administrative ordering of society as a State simplification.
15. See CitationFoucault, on the disciplinary power in Il faut défendre la société.
17. For a non-exhaustive overview on rural imbalance of powers, see: CitationLefort, “Powers-mengist and Peasants,” or, on the connection between mengist and gabare; CitationWoldeab Teshome, “Irrigation Practices,” CitationVaughan and CitationTronvoll, “The Culture of Power on the Mechanisms of Domination”; CitationSegers et al., “Developers and Farmers,” or CitationTeferi Abate Adem on conflations of powers; CitationPoluha, “Learning Political Behaviour,” or CitationSegers et al., “Be like Bees for Vehicles of Peasant's Mobilisation.”
26. The MoARD represents a “superministry” (CitationVaughan, 2011), because it coordinates all rural development initiatives but also because its close ties to local kebele government (CitationPausewang, 2002).
32. The surveys were carried out as part of a Ph.D. (from 1999 to 2001) then a research programme conducted in collaboration with Institute of Research for Development/French Centre for Ethiopian Studies/Addis-Ababa University (from 2010 to 2012).
33. The use of fertiliser was introduced in Ethiopia by the Food and Agriculture Organisation in the late 1960s, but only really developed in the mid-1990s. For a more detailed history of agricultural policies, see CitationKassa Belay, “Constraints to Agricultural Extension Work”; CitationDavis et al., In-depth Assessment of the Public Agricultural Extension System; CitationSpielman et al., “Policies to Promote Cereal Intensification.”
36. Growth and Transformation Plan.
37. Only a DA can approve these arrangements and guarantee their agronomic suitability.
38. On the large scale, there are very sharp variations between weredas, kebeles and, of course, between farms. In Eastern Tigray, the proportion of fertiliser beneficiaries thus varies between 73% of all householders in Ganta Afeshum wereda and only 36% in the neighbouring Kulo Mukheda wereda. In Wolaita (Damot Sore wereda), where the average proportion of farmers using fertiliser is 58%, percentages vary from 38% to 91% between one kebele and another (surveys, April 2011).
41. Interview, Western Tigray, 2012.
42. See the confusion between Party's supporter and volunteer in the Program, in CitationTeferi Abate Adem, “The Local Politics of Ethiopia's Green Revolution.”
43. See onions cultivators observed by CitationLefort, “In Free Market, ‘Developmental State’ and Party-state Hegemony” or Khat producers in our enquiry.
45. The MoARD physical encadrement is presented in CitationPlanel, “Usage de l'engrais en politique.”
47. CitationTeferi Abate Adem notes in “The Local Politics of Ethiopia's Green Revolution,” that “they were concerned more with the political consequences of not fulfilling the required quota than with its economic outcome.”
49. Agricultural Technical and Vocational Education and Training College.
50. Interview, Abela Gefata, Humbo, Wolaita, April 2011.
51. CitationDercon, Vargas Hill, and CitationZeitin, In Search of a Strategy: Rethinking Agricultural-led Growth in Ethiopia, 3: “Fertilizer use has moved more than 40% of land area cultivated with cereals, but selected seeds only cover less than 5%.”
52. Interview, North Shewa, Amhara, February 2011.
53. Interview, Shasge kebele, Metema wereda, North Gondar, 2011.
54. Overcrossing of traditional institutions and states administration are frequent. See CitationVaughan for Tigray in “Revolutionary-democratic State Building.”
55. Interview Kalakel Tatokoraro, East Tigray, July 2012.
57. Interview, Amara Biyo kebele, Shashura wereda, West Amhara, 2011.
60. Interview, Oumaïdota, Afambo, Afar, February 2012.
63. Interview, Wolaita, SNNPR, 2011.
64. Interview, Gununo, Damot Sore, Wolaita, December 2011.
68. Interview, D., Leinsha kebele, Metema wereda, North Gondar, Amhara, 2011.
69. According to our surveys, criticisms at the collective meetings are confined to the productivity outcomes associated with the Package, and there is no mention of the debt that it sometimes causes, an issue that is not aired publicly. The responses by MoARD officials are therefore restricted to the way the farmers use the Package, in particular their failure to use sufficient quantities of fertiliser.
70. Interview, A., Genta Afeshum kebele, Bete Hawariat-Sassun wereda, Eastern Tigray 2012.
71. Agere selam tabia, tataruba kushet, Kulo Mukheda wereda.
78. Some of the poorest peasants or those most reluctant to buy fertiliser from the MoARD, buy their neighbours’ surplus fertiliser on the market.
79. In reality, on old improved barley varieties.
80. Various interviews, 2011 and 2012.
81. Interview, Washa kebele, Shasura wereda, West Amhara, 2011.
83. CitationScott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance on the “hidden transcripts.”
84. Interview, A., Genta Afeshum, Bete Hawariat-Sassun, Eastern Tigray 2012.
85. Interview, N., Alaye, Kalalel, East Tigray, 2012.
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