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Notes
1 See Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o, Decolonising the Mind.
2 See Hassim, Women's Organizations and Democracy in South Africa.
3 See, for example: Charman, de Swardt, and Simons, “The Politics of Gender”; Fester, “Women's Organisations in the Western Cape”; Horn, “Post-apartheid South Africa”; Kemp, Madlala, Moodley, and Salo, “The Dawn of a New Day”; Meintjes, “Gender, Nationalism and Transformation”.
4 As happened at the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) in 2006. The “blacklisting debate” and its implications for the containment of public debate are discussed by Cowling and Hamilton, “Thinking Aloud/Allowed.”
5 Hamilton (“Social Inequality”) calls this a “corralling” of voices and debate.
6 Mangcu's assumption of this role is an unusual act, as Eleanor Townsley points out: “… the ‘public intellectual’ is not simply (or ever) a thing, a social role, a person, or a vocation. Rather, the ‘public intellectual’ is always a relationship of attribution, involving at least two parties; the attributor of public intellectual status, and the recipient, ie, the person, activity, or institution to which that status is being attributed” (“The Public Intellectual Trope,” 8–9).
7 The debate was set out in the party's weekly email newsletter as “… in South Africa the fight is really about who sets the national agenda. Should it be the African National Congress (ANC) or should it be the white elite?” (“The Sociology of the Public Discourse in Democratic South Africa: Who shall Set the National Agenda?” ANC Today, 21–27 January 2005, http://www.anc.org.za/ancdocs/anctoday/2005/at03.htm
8 Harold Washington, the inspiration for Barack Obama's style of politics.
9 See his comments in the Daily Dispatch: “Criticised in some quarters for referring to himself as an ‘intellectual’, author–analyst Xolela Mangcu outlines his understanding of the term and the role of an intellectual in society…” (Xolela Mangcu, “The Issue of Intellectualism,” 3 March 2008, 11).