Koranic Schools in Niger: how much can be learned from existing data?

Abstract

The term Koranic school is often used to describe schools that are not part of the formal education system and typically place a strong emphasis on memorising the Koran in Arabic, as well as on knowledge of Islamic religious education and practice. Using data from Niger as a case study, this paper provides data on trends in the share of individuals that have a Koranic education, a formal education, or no education at all, as well as a basic profile (univariate and multivariate) of children with Koranic education, formal education, or no education at all. In addition, the potential impacts of Koranic education in comparison to formal education or no education at all on outcomes such as literacy and numeracy, labour market earnings, household consumption, assets and perceptions of well-being, and infant mortality is analyzed.

Keywords:

• Koranic schools
• Islamic education
• Niger
• educational outcomes
• synergies with formal education

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 Three main data sources used for analysis provide a lot of information, but some of the questions asked could be improved. First, after asking the highest level of education completed by household members, other questions in the education modules focus solely on the formal school system. Information on the cost of schooling for parents is not available for Koranic schools, nor is it feasible to assess who is currently enrolled in Koranic schools or why students may have left the schools. It would be better to ask follow up questions in the education modules for both Koranic and formal schools. Second, questions on the highest level of education completed are asked in ‘either/or’ format. Information is available on individuals with a Koranic education or a formal education, but not both. It is therefore not feasible to assess whether some individuals started with a Koranic education and then went on to join the formal system, or alternatively (although this is less likely) whether some individuals complemented some level of formal education and started Koranic education later. Third, education modules are limited in scope in terms of the questions asked. This affects the ability to provide a diagnostic of both Koranic and formal education, even if the data available on formal education is richer than the data available for Koranic education. While space for adding more questions is always limited in surveys and even more so in a census questionnaire in order to avoid questionnaires that would become too long, data collection on Koranic in Niger could be strengthened.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Chata Male

The three authors are with the World Bank. The third author also serves in a volunteer capacity as lead for the Global Catholic Education Project. The analysis and views expressed in this paper are those of the authors only and may not reflect the views of the World Bank, its Executive Director, or the countries they represent.

Ada Nayihouba

The three authors are with the World Bank. The third author also serves in a volunteer capacity as lead for the Global Catholic Education Project. The analysis and views expressed in this paper are those of the authors only and may not reflect the views of the World Bank, its Executive Director, or the countries they represent.

Quentin Wodon

The three authors are with the World Bank. The third author also serves in a volunteer capacity as lead for the Global Catholic Education Project. The analysis and views expressed in this paper are those of the authors only and may not reflect the views of the World Bank, its Executive Director, or the countries they represent.