Stones of the Suez Canal: A Discourse of Absence and Power in Cyprus and Egypt

Abstract

This paper explores the claim that stones from Cypriot archaeological sites, and other historical public and private structures, were used to build the Suez Canal. The claim appears in vernacular lore and in scholarly anecdote, neither of which seem to have a basis in fact. By paring down this narrative and looking for its sources, the paper examines practices of stone reuse, while diffusing some of the speciousness that results from anti-colonial commitments that underlie such claims. The narrative is explored from an archival, historical perspective but also draws from contemporary site visits and personal interviews.

Acknowledgements

The author would like to thank the following institutions for their assistance: the Archives du Monde du Travaille (France), especially Mme Gersende Piernas and the kind staff at the ANMT; the Library of the Archaeological Unit at the University of Cyprus; Cyprus American Archaeological Research Institute (CAARI), especially Evi Karyda, librarian; the Library of the Cyprus Department of Antiquities; the Cyprus State Archives; GDF Suez and the Association du Souvenir de Ferdinand de Lesseps (France); the Geological Survey Department of Cyprus, especially Dr Sylvana Pilidou; the PRIO Cyprus Centre; and the University of Nicosia. In addition, the author thanks the following individuals for their personal contributions: Faisal Said Ahmed; Chris Anastassiou; Hamdi Attia; Drs Marios and Anna Christofinis; Mme Iro Constantinides neé Lambis; Olga Demetriou, PhD; Max Gevers; Goris; Matthew Harpster, PhD; Bambos Ioannou; Ruth Keshishian at the Moufflon Bookstore in Nicosia; Dimitrios Michaelidis, PhD; Cpt. Michael Peter; Costas and Rita Severis; Costas Xenophontas, PhD; and two anonymous readers who were both generous and rigorous. Research was funded in part by the University of Nicosia, Cyprus.

Notes

  [1] Stones were not the only precious raw material supposedly taken for the Suez Canal building project. Giant trees cut from virgin rainforests on Fraser Island off Australia, which became a World Heritage site in 1992, are said to have been used in the canal's interior. R. Smith, ‘Sands of time’, National Geographic Magazine, September 2010, p. 71.

  [2] A typical example, ‘… Centuries of looting has reduced the old city [of Amathus] to grassed-over rubble. All available dressed stone was sold and shipped off for re-use in Larnaca, Alexandria, the Suez Canal and elsewhere …’ G. derParthog, Byzantine and Medieval Cyprus, Interworld, London, 1994, p. 102.

  [3] In research for this paper two archives were consulted. Sources listed as (SA) refer to documents retrieved from the Cyprus State Archives, Nicosia Cyprus. Sources listed as (ANMT) refer to documents retrieved from the Archives du Monde du Travaille, Roubaix France.

  [4] D. Kinney, ‘The concept of spolia’, in C. Rudoph (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, Blackwell, Oxford, 2006, p. 234.

  [5] D. Kinney, ‘The concept of spolia’, in C. Rudoph (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, Blackwell, Oxford, 2006, p. 233.

  [6] D. Kinney, ‘The concept of spolia’, in C. Rudoph (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, Blackwell, Oxford, 2006, p. 241: Götz's work refers specifically to the Magdeburg Cathedral.

  [7] D. Kinney, ‘The concept of spolia’, in C. Rudoph (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, Blackwell, Oxford, 2006, p. 249.

  [8] D. Kinney, ‘The concept of spolia’, in C. Rudoph (ed.), A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe, Blackwell, Oxford, 2006, p. 249.

  [9] Anthropologist Paul Sant Cassia uses this phrase to describe the exceptional state of persons missing due to warfare or state repression (in Cyprus and Argentina). The phrase is useful here because it articulates a unique need for closure among the relations of the missing persons and the specific kinds of remembrance that this uncertainty necessitates. In a post-colonial context, this special articulation of memory and absence could be useful in further study about the need for closure and missing cultural heritage. See Paul Sant Cassia, ‘Missing persons in Cyprus as ethnomartyres’, Modern Greek Studies Yearbook, Vol. 15/15, University of Minnesota, Minneapolis, 1998/1999, p. 268 and Bodies of Evidence, Berghahn Books, Oxford, 2005.

 [10] ‘… Even the hill [of Amathus] itself is fast losing its form, while the rock of which it is composed is being cut away to be shipped to Port Saïd, bringing to the merchants of Limassol a profitable return …’, Luigi Palma di Cessnola, Cyprus, its Ancient Cities, Tombs and Temples, John Murray, London, 1877, p. 252.

 [11] ‘Since the Turkish conquest paving stones from ruined Christian churches have often been used in Greek churches mosques, baths and other places. In many cases it is hazardous to draw conclusions about the identity of a building from the paving materials found in it.’ Camille Enlart, Gothic Art and the Renaissance in Cyprus, David Hunt (trans.), Trigraph, London, 1987, p. 343.

 [12] (SA1/2116/1893). The proposal comes from Dimosthenous Hadjipavlou, son of Christodoulis Hadjipavlou (see note 84). His arrangements for the stones used in building Ayia Napa church are also recorded in Aριστεíδης Koυδoυνάρης, βιoγραϕικóν Λεξικóν Kυπρíων 1800–1920 (Στ' Eπηυξημένη εκδóσις), Λευκωσíα, 2010, p. 658. Interestingly, Koudounaris mentions that Dimosthenous Hadjipavlou had an interest in Egyptian antiquities, starting from an early age, perhaps a result of exposure to his father's trade connections.

 [13] (SA1/6649/20/11/1883).

 [14] (SA1/6649/14/11/1883).

 [15] Cessnola, op. cit., p. 253.

 [16] Enlart, op. cit., p. 390.

 [17] See (SA1/6649/1883): ‘… theft of stones from the Nicosia ramparts …’

 [18] Remark by A. Young, after a report of an increase in stone sales, 17 August 1898 (SA1 2337 | 1898).

 [19] ‘Towards the close of the year 1869 the Suez Canal was opened for traffic, and this ultimately caused important alterations in the trade to China and to the East; the steamers entirely superseding the sailing-ships.’ R. J. Cornewall, ‘The British Mercantile Marine’, in The Isle of Man, Gibraltar, Malta, St. Helena, Barbados, Cyprus, the Channel Islands, the British Army and Navy: Historical, Political, and Geographical History, Kegan Paul, Trench, Treubner, London, 1902, p. 408.

 [20] Lewis, Mrs, A Lady's Impressions of Cyprus in 1893, Remington, London, 1894, pp. 139–140.

 [21] A. W. Kinglake, Kinglake's EOTHEN, Temple Press, Letchworth, 1927, pp. 75–76.

 [22] Especially images #35, #36, #40 of Max Ohnefalsch-Richter, Tετράδιo-Mελέτης τις Kúπρoυ (reprint of 1895 original), Cyprus Popular Bank, Nicosia, undated. See also W. H. Mallock, An Enchanted Island or A Winter's Retreat in Cyprus, Richard Bentley and Son, London, 1889, frontispiece.

 [23] In Anna Marangou, The Harbours and Ports of Cyprus, The Laiki Group Cultural Centre (English version trans. Vassilis Angelis), Nicosia, 2002, p. 156.

 [24] Enlart, op. cit., p. 212.

 [25] Graham Robb, Rimbaud: A Biography, W. W. Norton, New York, 2001, p. 299.

 [26] Graham Robb, Rimbaud: A Biography, W. W. Norton, New York, 2001, p. 299

 [27] Graham Robb, Rimbaud: A Biography, W. W. Norton, New York, 2001, p. 299, pp. 305–306.

 [28] For more on this topic, see Michael Walsh, ‘On the Princypalle Havenes of the See: the Port of Famagusta and the ship graffiti of its ruined churches’, International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, 37(1), 2008, pp. 115–129.

 [29] This graffiti, now historical, is in imminent danger of being completely lost by the same ‘idle persons’ who throw stones at it, making slabs of frescoed plaster fall away. There is also a tendency, current with contemporary ‘tagging’, to cut personal names and monikers on top of pre-existing graffiti: in this case, the ships. See also < www.ehdoering.com>, ‘leaving the harbor of haloes’ (2010/2011).

 [30] (SA1|2030|1901).

 [31] See N. N. Ambraseys, The Seismic History of Cyprus, Imperial College of Science, London, 1965.

 [32] (SA1 | 3344 | 1897).

 [33] (SA1 | 2237 | 1898). From a note to the Chief Secretary from the Public Works Department, ‘I have brought this [export] to your notice as I am of opinion that if the harbour works at Famagusta are undertaken, all the available stone in the Town, whether private property or otherwise, will be required for their construction.’

 [34] From the Commissioner of Famagusta (SA1 | 2337 | 1898).

 [35] Enlart, op. cit., p. 212.

 [36] (SA1 | 846 | 1900) p. 3 draft explanations of the amendments to the ‘Famagusta Stones Law of 1898’ ‘… it shall be unlawful to export from the town of Famagusta any dressed or cut stone, ashlar or rubble-stone’.

 [37] One (1899) Commissioner's inspection report reads ‘… as you are aware, nearly the whole of Famagusta is strewn with stones all very similar in appearance one to the other …’ (SA1 | 13-2-1899). And see the communication of 23 July 1898 reading, ‘Instructions have been given to the DPW [Department of Public Works] to allow no stones to be exported without the necessary permission under the “Stones” Law—This secures the object in view so far as “export” by sea is concerned …’ (SA1 | 2237 | 1898).

 [38] Here, see Holger Hoock, ‘The British State and the Anglo-French wars over antiquities, 1798–1858’, Historical Journal, 50, 2007, pp. 49–72. Hoock assembles evidence to the effect that British museum acquisitions relied, not just on private donation and private interest, but also on public projects such as the Famagusta harbour works that provided a curtain for, and sometimes assisted private collecting activities.

 [39] (SA1 | 2724 | 1893) p. 16 and (SA1 | 2237 | 1898).

 [40] (SA | 12720,2724 | 1893), (SA1 | 324 | 1894).

 [41] (SA1 | 324 | 1894). This anecdote will resurface in further discussion of the firman or the Ottoman parallel of an order of court, only given by the Sultan. See (SA1 | 1977 | 1893). Also: even after the Famagusta Stones Law of 1891, in 1898 the Cyprus State Archives hold a note from the Cyprus Public Works Department (15 July 1898) saying, ‘I was in hopes that the Government could see its way to imposing a prohibition tariff as you appear to have suggested some time ago as there is not much doubt that little if any discrimination is used by those collecting the stone for export’ (SA1 | 2237 | 1898).

 [42] (SA1 | 4229 | 1898).

 [43] The matter begins to be discussed on 19 May 1899 (SA1 | 4227 | 1898) and went through May of 1901, where the Georghiou Bros. offered to sell the Government their piece of property—without the stones upon it—as an annex to the land generally needed for the harbour. See (SA1 | 1602 | 1901).

 [44] (SA1 | 2237 | 1898); see also (SA1 | 1983 | 1896): ‘… the stones being in the Police Yard at Famagusta, having been collected by convicts from the ruins …’

 [45] This was the British Administration's practice all over Cyprus, not just Famagusta, see (SA1 | 4431 | 1891).

 [46] This note to the Commissioner of Famagusta gives a sense of the characteristic parsimony (SA1 | 269 | 1895). See also, (SA1 | 1014 | 1894).

 [47] (SA1 | 459 and 1983 | 1896).

 [48] The author refers to Othello in this article, (SA1 | 5547 |1899).

 [49] Other appearances of outrage happened earlier although not in the weekly press: Mrs Lewis, in her Lady's Impressions of Cyprus (op. cit., p. 140) writes, that it is ‘difficult to write temperately …’ in reference to British Government management of the extant resources on the island, and their designs for a harbour.

 [50] (SA1 | 2237 | 1898).

 [51] The decade, 1879–89, saw the first major architectural infrastructure boom, not only in Port Saïd but also Ismaïlia and Port Tewfik. This can be observed in the projected housing budget (1886), which was augmented to continue construction through 1891. ANMT 1995 060 3138.

 [52] ‘Ruined Cities in Cyprus’, from the ‘Spectator’ in The London Times, 16 December 1899.

 [53] A more detailed discussion of the Suez Canal's construction logistics is in preparation.

 [54] (SA1 | 246 | 1900): Chamberlain asks if the Secretary of State for the Colonies has ‘any information to the effect that the ancient walls of Famagusta … have been sold to a Contractor for the construction of tramways in Alexandria and Cairo and are being removed’ (pp. 17, 16).

 [55] (SA1 | 2237 | 1898).

 [56] Most of the digging had to be done by hand, and the corvée, which was a system of national service that had been in place in Egypt for centuries, was essential to the canal's continued progress. In a contemporaneous report, these gangs of men were housed and well fed: with some 15,000–40,000 at work at any given time, their yearly mortality rate apparently did not exceed 2 per cent (J. W. Watkins, History of Egypt, James Hagger, London, 1896, p. 734). However, Ismail Pasha, who was relatively newly in charge of Egypt, was rapidly overspending, and in order to re-negotiate the agreement with the French that had taken place before he came to power he declared that the corvée was morally unjust. The builders of the canal were forced by public scrutiny to design a mechanical means to power the excavations. See also ANMT 1995 060 1979 for period accounts of worker compensation, entitlements and limits.

 [57] The London Times, 16 December 1899, op. cit.

 [58] G. R. H. Wright, ‘Archaeology and Islamic law in Ottoman Cyprus’, in Veronica Tatton-Brown, Cyprus in the 19th Century AD: Fact, Fancy and Fiction: Papers of the 22nd British Museum Classical Colloquium, December 1998, Oxbow, Oxford, 2001, pp. 262–266.

 [59] See court deposition by Osman Ali, police officer, about the actions of Mehmed Mahmoud, (SA1 | 324 | 1894), op. cit.

 [60] Wright, op. cit., p. 263.

 [61] A fuller discussion of this issue is in preparation.

 [62] Wright, op. cit., p. 266.

 [63] Wright, op. cit, p. 266.

 [64] Wright, op. cit

 [65] For one example, Ambraseys describes the earthquake in December 1735 that affected Famagusta in particular, where ‘… part of the cathedral of Santa Sophia which was converted into a mosque, fell and buried under its ruins over 200 people. Also the church of Saint George together with a great part of the town was thrown down …’, op. cit., p. 10.

 [66] See also Margaret Yon (2002), deflating a myth of the ‘acropolis’ of Bamboula in Larnaca. Her archaeological evidence proves that the site was never actually an ‘acropolis’ as modern tour guides and scholars still seem to claim. The designation of ‘acropolis’ comes late; the site was scavenged both by customary practice and was also targeted by colonial interests. Margaret Yon, ‘The acropolis that never was. A myth to be destroyed’, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus, 2002, pp. 127–138. For diplomatic gaffes surrounding stone use on the site of Bamboula, see (SA1 | 1494 | 4/03/1882), for British archival records of Bamboula, see (SA1 | 14193 | 3-3-1881) and S. Brown, Government Engineer, 23 February 1881 in (SA1| 14193 | 1881).

 [67] Franz von Löher, Cyprus, Historical and Descriptive, Stuttgart, 1878, see also Élisée Reclus, Nouvelle Géographie universelle, IX l'Asie antérieure, Paris, 1884 in Pierre Aupert and M. C. Hellman, Amathonte I. Testimonia I: auteurs anciens, monnayage, voyageurs, fouilles, origines, géographie, Etudes Chypriotes 4, Editions, Paris, 1984, p. 93.

 [68] See Rita Severis, Travelling Artists in Cyprus 1700–1960, Philip Wilson, London, 2000, p. 64. The work is part of the Costas and Rita Severis Collection.

 [69] ‘Si quelques textes attestent le pillage des ruines pour la construction des quais de Port Said à partir sans doute de 1863/64 … lorsque les frères Dussaud en prennant charge, et si d'autres constructions ont dû ne pas manquer, on ne connaît pas d'autre occasion précise d'exploitation des ruines antérieurement à cette date et notamment vers la fin du XVIII siècle’ [If some texts attest to the pillage of the ruins [of Amathus] for the construction of the docks at Port Saïd beginning probably around 1863/64 … when the Dussaud Brothers took charge [of the operations], and as long as other constructions are not to be overlooked, we don't know of another precise occasion for the exploitation of the ruins previous to this date [1863/64] or at a date notably at the conclusion of the 18th century]. Pierre Aupert, ‘Le peintre Luigi Mayer à Amathonte, 1874–1875’, Cahier du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 13, 1990, pp. 6–7 (author's translation).

 [70] ‘… La corniche et le fragment de tambour de colonne gisant au premier plan proviennent sans doute non pas du rampart, qui ne comporte pas de remplois dans cette zone, mais de quelque édifice juché plus haut sur les premières pentes de l'acropole … on n'ose imaginer qu'il s'agit du même, bien entendu, mais la coïncidence, jointe à l'exactitude de la representation du pan de muraille, assurent de la fidélité de la vision de Mayer’ [The cornice and the fragment of the column drum lying in the foreground come—not from the rampart which isn't composed of re-use[d stone] in this area—but from some edifice perched higher on the lower slopes of the acropolis … one dare not imagine that it comes from the same [building] of course, but the coincidence, along with the very accurate representation of the section of the wall, attest to the fidelity of Mayer's vision]. Ibid., p. 6 (author's translation).

 [71] ‘… à destination d'un navire sans doute ancré au large de cette zone de hauts-fonds. Nous savons en effet que le port était envasé dès la haute époque byzantine et que Philippe d'Ibelin, vers 1310, dut gagner en barque la galère génoise qui devait assurer sa fuite en Arménie …’ [… bound for a ship probably anchored off that area of shallows. Indeed we know that the port was silting up around the high Byzantine period and that Philippe d'Ibelin, around 1310 had to make use of a small boat to get onto a Genoese galley in order to ensure his escape to Armenia]. Ibid., p. 7 (author's translation).

 [72] Pierre Aupert, Guide to Amathus, Bank of Cyprus Cultural Foundation, Nicosia, 2000, p. 36.

 [73] See note 11.

 [74] By Valette Enterprises, under contract to supply stone for the building of the Port Saïd jetty. Their contract extended to transport of the stone by sea to the work site and—tellingly—to submerge it where necessary. This topic will be explored further in this paper. Archives du Monde du Travaille (ANMT) 1995 060 4664.

 [75] (SA1 | 1985 | 1888).

 [76] The British Government differed with the contractual aspects of M. Hadjipavlou's business: mainly, that he was using a monopoly that was transferred to him, set up under the Ottoman government with a man who had since died, Thrasyvoulos Georgiou. The latter's right was to quarry around Amathus, with no provision for pre-cut stone. Mr Hadjipavlou made use of the other's monopoly and apparently extended it to stone antiquities for export to Port Saïd. There was a question about customs being rendered. See (SA1 | 1985 | 1888).

 [77] ad 1874.

 [78] From the Receiver General's report, (SA1| 1985 | 1888), op. cit.

 [79] The main sea-front road approaching the old port of Limassol is named after Christos Hadjipavlou. The family is listed in Aριστεíδης Koυδoυνάρης, βιoγραϕικóν Λεξικóν Kυπρíων 1800–1920 (Στ' Eπηυξημένη Eκδóσις), Λευκωσíα, 2010, p. 658.

 [80] Letter to the Commissioner of Limassol dated 6 September 1888, op. cit. (SA1 | 1985 | 1888).

 [81] J.-Y. Empereur, ‘Le Port Helénistique d'Amathonte’, in Vassos Karageorghis and Dimitris Michaelides (eds), Proceedings of the Symposium, Cyprus and the Sea, University of Cyprus, Nicosia, 1985, pp. 131–132. See also, J.-Y. Empereur, Bulletin Correspondance Hellénique, 110, 1986, pp. 899–907 (en collaboration avec Colette Verlindin).

 [82] Empereur, ‘Le Port Helénistique d'Amathonte’, op. cit., p. 132.

 [83] Mr Bambos Ioannou, now mayor of Agios Tychonas, helped Empereur (see Empereur, Bulletin Correspondance Hellénique, op. cit., p. 899). He believes that the original system of sliding the stones into place from wooden scaffolding also made these colossal stones easy to extract: the old system was used in reverse, and the stones were directly loaded aboard barges. No time period was given for the stone removal (personal interview, 25 February 2011 at the Agios Tychonas Mayor's office).

 [84] With regard to Famagusta I refer back to the French-speaking Turkish agent (note 53), and with regard to Larnaca I refer back to Rimbaud's work at a French mining company.

 [85] Vassos Karageorghis, J. R. Mertens and M. E. Rose, Ancient Art from Cyprus: The Cessnola Collection in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 2000, p. 3. See also Kinglake's (1834/35) comment about ‘affect[ing] to look for inscriptions’, op. cit., p. 76.

 [86] Enlart, op. cit., p. 343.

 [87] Aupert, Guide to Amathus, op. cit., p. 15. The finds from this expedition arrived at the Louvre by 1865, and included a colossal stone jar that was also painted by Luigi Mayer, while still on site, see A Colossal Vase near Limasso in Cyprus in Severis, op. cit., p. 62.

 [88] Olivier Masson, ‘Sure le site d'Amathonte en 1876’, Cahier du Centre d'Études Chypriotes, 7, 1987, pp. 11–15.

 [89] R. S. Merrillees, The Tano Family: Gifts from the Nile to Cyprus, Moufflon, Nicosia, 2003.

 [90] ‘A full prosopography of all those involved in archaeological activity remains to be compiled, but it is already clear that overlapping circles of archaeologists, linguists, and architects on the one hand, and of archaeologically keen politicians, officials, diplomats, and officers on the other, fairly consistently brought the resources of the state to bear on collections development.’ Hoocke, op. cit., p. 54.

 [91] René Elvin, ‘The story of the Suez Canal “jugular artery” of the British Empire’, Geographical Magazine, 10, November 1939–April 1940, p. 307.

 [92] René Elvin, ‘The story of the Suez Canal “jugular artery” of the British Empire’, Geographical Magazine, 10, November 1939–April 1940, p. 307.

 [93] ANMT 1995 060 1979.

 [94] ANMT 1995 060 4664.

 [95] Personal research from the COSCO Vancouver, August 2007.

 [96] ANMT 1995 060 1983.

 [97] ANMT 1995 060 1991.

 [98] Robert Arndt, ‘Suez: the reopening’, Saudi Aramco World, September/October 1975, p. 10.

 [99] Personal conversation with geologist Dr Costas Xenophontos, 15 September 2011: small fragments of limestone are relatively easy to locate in terms of origin, owing to limestone's natural composition that allows it to be dated in geological time. As a result, limestone samples can be traced back to known quarries and geological formations with a high degree of certainty. A model of such a geological study that could be paralleled in this case—if given safe and legal access to stone samples—is the joint archaeologist–geologist project that was undertaken by N. Kourou, V. Karageorghis, C. Xenophontos et al. and documented in Limestone Statuettes of the Cypriote Type Found in the Aegean, A. G. Leventis Foundation, Nicosia, 2002.

[100] Remark by A. Young, previously noted in relation to a Commissioner's report on stone sale from Famagusta, (SA1 | 2337 | 1898), op. cit.

[101] The French-designed lighthouse is claimed to be one of the world's first poured concrete buildings. Cf. < www.myportsaid.info/lighthouse>.

[102] ANMT 1995 060 3138.

[103] Letter from Ch. Haggipavlu to the Commissioner of Limassol, (SA1 | 1985 | 1888). op. cit.

[104] A discussion of links between quarries in Cyprus and specific architecture in Port Saïd is in process.

[105] See, for example, ‘Ancient Amathus’, < www.limassolmunicipal.com.cy/amathus>(last accessed 12 September 2011); and ‘North Cyprus cities—Famagusta …’, < http://turkishcyprus.com/about-trnc-famagusta-cities-towns.html>(last accessed 12 September 2011).

[106] In Zachary Karabell, Parting the Desert: The Creation of the Suez Canal, Vintage, New York, 2003, p. 259.

[107] From my interview with Mayor Bambos Ioannou (see note 86): I asked when the stones were removed, and he replied, ‘They stole them from us! They stole them to build the canal!’, but shortly afterward he acknowledged that stone selling had been a Cypriot business. This kind of lore is also part of the purview of the Society for the Restoration of the Ancient Harbor of Amathus, previously mentioned in connection with the artist's reconstruction of the Amathus Harbour. This recreational society is composed of Greek-Cypriot cultural enthusiasts who also arrange ceremonies known from ancient Greek traditions at archaeological sites such as Kourion and Amathus.

[108] Personal conversation (22 July 2010 in Nicosia).

[109] Here, I refer to Aupert's version of the narrative, and also to Professor Dr Ata Atun's paper on the church of St George of the Greeks, the Ottoman bombardment and subsequent earthquake damage. See Professor Dr Ata Atun, ‘Structural analysis of the main apse vault of St. George of the Greeks Cathedral built c. 1390 at Famagusta Cyprus’, International Journal of Academic Research, 3(2), March 2011, pp. 1260–1264.

[110] Kinney, op. cit., p. 261.