Turkey and Iran: The Two Modes of Engagement in the Middle East

Abstract

A series of breakthroughs in Iran's contentious affairs with the West necessitate a new way of thinking on Turkey–Iran relations. Hassan Rouhani's victory in the 2013 Iranian presidential elections and the signing of the interim Geneva nuclear agreement between Iran and the ‘P5+1’ shortly thereafter warrant an overhaul of the conventional policies concerning the Islamic Republic. Coupled with the Arab uprisings, recent developments will significantly impact not only the way Turkey and Iran approach each other but also their regional policies. This paper seeks to shed light on the two different modes of engagement that Turkey and Iran have employed vis-à-vis their approach to their shared neighbourhood. That is, while Turkey is positioned to utilize this breakthrough on a global scale to improve its relations with Iran and other countries through ‘humanitarian diplomacy’; on the regional level, Tehran's hegemonic and interest-based ambitions will stoke the subtle rivalry with Ankara. This paper provides a background for the origins of these two different modes of engagement and discusses how they have influenced the dynamics in the region. After pointing out how the recent developments concerning Iran's nuclear programme and engagement in certain regional conflicts shape the Ankara–Tehran dialogue, it concludes with the implications of these competitive approaches for the greater Middle East.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Notes

^[1] The US Department of State, ‘Parameters for a Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action Regarding the Islamic Republic of Iran's Nuclear Program’, 2 April 2015, < http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/ps/2015/04/240170.htm> (accessed 15 May 2015).

^[2] A. Davutoğlu, ‘Zero problems in a new era’, Foreign Policy, 21 March 2013, < http://foreignpolicy.com/2013/03/21/zero-problems-in-a-new-era/> (accessed 15 May 2015).

^[3] Ibid.

^[4] Ibid.

^[5] K. Kiri¸çi, ‘The transformation of Turkish foreign policy: the rise of the trading state’, New Perspectives on Turkey, 40, 2009, pp. 29–57.

^[6] Ibid.

^[7] Ibid.

^[8] R. Bayer and E. F. Keyman, ‘Turkey: an emerging hub of globalization and internationalist humanitarian actor?’, Globalizations, 9(1), 2012, pp. 73–90.

^[9] Ibid.

^[10] E. F. Keyman, Turkey and the Arab Spring, The Bertelsmann Foundation, Gütersloh, 2012.

^[11] K. Dervi¸, ‘The economic imperatives of the Arab Spring’, 2011 Year End Series, Project Syndicate, 2011, < www.project-syndicate.org> (accessed 9 March 2012).

^[12] Ibid.

^[13] B. Aras, ‘Turkey and Iran: facing the challenge of the Arab Spring’, GMF on Turkey Series, 19 February 2013, < http://www.gmfus.org/publications/turkey-and-iran-facing-challenge-arab-spring> (accessed 15 May 2015).

^[14] B. Oran (ed.), Türk Dı¸ Politikası: Kurtulu¸ Sava¸ından Bugüne Olgular, Belgeler, Yorumlar [Turkish Foreign Policy: From the War of Independence to Today; Concepts, Documents, Comments], Vol. 3, İleti¸im Yayıncılık, Istanbul, 2013, p. 453.

^[15] M. Şahin, ‘Iran: “realistic” foreign policy of a “theocratic and idealistic” state’, USAK Yearbook, USAK, Ankara, 2012, pp. 279–281.

^[16] Aras, op. cit.

^[17] Ibid.

^[18] ‘İran Arap Baharına Nasıl Bakıyor?’, SETA, < http://www.setav.org/tr/%C4%B0ran-arap-baharina-nasil-bakiyor/haber/1294> (accessed 15 May 2015).

^[19] K. Dalacoura, ‘The Arab uprisings two years on: ideology, sectarianism and the changing balance of power in the Middle East’, Insight Turkey, 15(1), 2013, pp. 75–89.

^[20] Aras, op. cit., p. 3.

^[21] Şahin, op. cit., p. 279.

^[22] Ibid., p. 281.

^[23] Aras, op. cit., p. 3.

^[24] Oran, op. cit., p. 453.

^[25] Ibid.

^[26] M. Morell, ‘Iran's grand strategy is to become a regional powerhouse’, The Washington Post, 3 April 2015, < http://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/irans-grand-strategy/2015/04/03/415ec8a8-d8a3-11e4-ba28-f2a685dc7f89_story.html> (accessed 15 May 2015).

^[27] Ibid.

^[28] Ibid.

^[29] Ibid.

^[30] B. Özkan, ‘America, Turkey and Saudi Arabia are pouring fuel on the fire in Syria’, The Huffington Post, 15 May 2015, < http://www.huffingtonpost.com/behlal-azkan/america-turkey-saudi-arabia-syria_b_7278586.html> (accessed 15 May 2015). Also, see Aaron Stein, ‘Turkey's Yemen dilemma’, Foreign Affairs, 7 April 2015, < https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/turkey/2015-04-07/turkeys-yemen-dilemma> (accessed 15 May 2015).

^[31] S. Çağaptay, ‘Turkey's foray into the Fertile Crescent’, The International Herald Tribune, 28 February 2013, p. 6. Also, see H. M. Karaveli, ‘The unhelpful ally’, The International Herald Tribune, 28 February 2013, p. 6.

^[32] Karaveli, op. cit., p. 6.

^[33] Ibid.

^[34] Çağaptay, op. cit., p. 6.

^[35] S. Cengiz, ‘Turkey should brace itself against expected proxy wars in 2013’, Today's Zaman, 13 January 2013, < http://www.todayszaman.com/news-303853-turkey-should-brace-itself-against-expected-proxy-wars-in-2013.html> (accessed 18 March 2013).

^[36] Ö. Ta¸pınar, ‘Turkey and Saudi Arabia: strange bedfellows in Syria’, Today's Zaman, 3 December 2012, < http://www.todayszaman.com/columnist-299995-turkey-and-saudi-arabia-strange-bedfellows-in-syria.html> (accessed 13 January 2013).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

E. Fuat Keyman

E. Fuat Keyman is Director of the Istanbul Policy Center and Professor of International Relations at Sabanci University in Istanbul. Keyman is a leading Turkish political scientist and expert on democratization, globalization, international relations, Turkey–EU relations, Turkish foreign policy and civil society development. He is a member of the Science Academy. He has worked as a member on the Council of Wise People as part of the Peace Process to the Kurdish issue. He also serves on advisory and editorial boards for a number of respected international and national organizations, as well as academic journals.

Onur Sazak

Onur Sazak is Research and Academic Affairs Manager at Istanbul Policy Center (IPC). Sazak joined IPC in 2010 as Research and Academic Affairs Coordinator. Prior to his tenure at IPC, he worked as Research Associate at Hudson Institute in Washington, DC. At Hudson, he was part of the Center for Eurasian Policy, where he focused on a wide array of research, from energy security to the trends of political Islam in Central Asia and Europe. Sazak received his BA in International Relations and MA in International Economic Relations from American University in Washington, DC. He is currently pursuing a PhD in Political Science at Sabanci University.