Religion gnaws urban planning: the geography of places of worship in Kumasi, Ghana

Abstract

This paper investigates spatial distribution of places of worship (PoW) and its implications on sustainable land use planning in a rapidly urbanising city of Kumasi, Ghana. Using semi-structured interviews, document reviews and agency consultations, this paper focused on three issues: (a) the location and distribution of PoW, (b) factors considered in the location of these PoW by faith groups and (c) planning implications of PoW. Findings indicate that location decisions vary according to different faith groups. However, none of the faith groups interviewed considered land use planning regulations as key decision-making factor, as proximity to members, affordability and availability of land remained dominant factors. This situation has created avoidable land use conflicts and has become an additional burden on urban planning authorities who are already faced with pervasive land use challenges such as slum development and urban sprawl.

Keywords:

• faith groups
• religion
• religiosity
• land use
• urban planning
• Kumasi
• places of worship

1. Introduction

Globally, freedom of association remains a basic human right in many countries. Many urban residents consider places of worship (PoW) – i.e. churches, synagogues, mosques or other places of assembly for social gatherings related to religion – as an environment for religious, cultural and social formation and development (Hancock & Srinivas 2008; Ashley 2009). Although the type of a PoW is dependent on the needs of a particular faith group (i.e. religious organisations, church founders and group of individuals with shared beliefs), PoW are largely located in residential areas (Bouma & Hughes 2000; Hancock & Srinivas 2008) and employment zones (Agrawal 2009). Some (e.g. Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000) have described PoW as important symbols of spiritual expression and community engagement, as well as physical and social signposts of beliefs, which are central in defining humanity’s sense of place, community and identity. Thus, PoW are often perceived and conceptualised as a reflection of the human condition such as pilgrims, worshippers, travellers and historians (Baker & Chitty 2000).

However, in many developing regions, particularly Africa, the meaning of PoW has entered a new phase (Gifford 1998, 2004; Meyer 2002, 2004). With widespread poverty conditions in developing countries (Cobbinah et al. 2013), PoW, particularly in Africa, are perceived by many urban residents as citadels against fear and hopelessness and a haven for quick material breakthrough (Gifford 2004). Unfortunately, this perception has become a motivation for many faith groups who consider the increasing demand for PoW by urban residents as an opportunity to commodify society through wealth creation (Meyer 2002, 2004). As a consequence, there is an astronomical rise in the development of PoW in Africa and other developing countries (Bouma & Hughes 2000; Meyer 2002), which often times do not conform to land use planning requirements. In recognition of growing religiosity among urban residents and rapid development of PoW, Hancock and Srinivas (2008) describe PoW in Africa and Asia as the creation of urban forms that contradict the goals of land use planning and they are often associated with the spread of new religious movements and the articulations between religion, globalisation and neo-liberalism.

In recent years, the development of PoW has become one of the key urban planning and management issues (Hoernig 2006; Kinney & Winter 2006; Hancock & Srinivas 2008). Worldwide, research indicates that planning authorities are faced with increasing requests for new PoW (Germain & Gagnon 2003; Hancock & Srinivas 2008), yet PoW as a land use continues to receive less consideration from urban planning authorities (Kinney & Winter 2006; Justin 2011), particularly in developing countries (Hancock & Srinivas 2008). In cases where provisions are made for the location of PoW in land use planning schemes, such provisions are usually not followed by faith groups. This is notable across developing countries including Ghana where faith groups, in an attempt to attract more members and perhaps meet their financial targets (Meyer 2002; Gifford 2004), locate their PoW in unauthorised locations within the urban environment such as nature reserves (see Ahmed & Dinye 2012). As a result, the attitude of urban planning towards location of PoW is often described as an ad hoc reaction to avoidable land use conflicts (Wallace & Frisken 2000).

As the population of the world, particularly developing countries, urbanises at an alarming rate and cities continue to grow (Darkwah & Cobbinah 2014; Cobbinah et al. 2015; United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs/Population Division [UNDESA/PD], 2012), urban planning has become more critical. For example, the urban population of Africa, which was about 400 million in 2010, is projected to be about 1.3 billion by 2050 (UNDESA/PD 2012; Cobbinah et al. 2015). According to Ebaugh and Chafetz (2000) and Baker and Chitty (2000), the forms and patterns of distribution of structures in general to promote good health, accessibility, convenience and harmonious land use in an urban environment are a function, to a considerable extent, of the rights and methods of dealing with land. Unfortunately, in many developing countries where faith groups are highly revered and permeate all spheres of human life (Narayan et al. 2000), unauthorised location of PoW and growing religiosity among urban residents often result in a situation where urban planning authorities compromise land use planning schemes to respond to the needs of these faith groups. However, research on this topic continues to receive less attention in developing countries, particularly Ghana.

This paper contributes to the discussion on religion and land use planning in urban areas by presenting an example from Ghana using Kumasi, a rapidly growing city, as a case study. It focuses on three issues: (a) the location and distribution of PoW, (b) factors considered in the location of these PoW by faith groups and (c) planning implications of PoW.

2. Religion, places of worship and land use planning in Africa: a focus on Ghana

Religion and its associated concept religiosity are neither simple terms to define nor undemanding concepts to explain despite their widespread application. Over the past decades, many attempts have been made to define religion and religiosity, yet there are no universally agreed definitions (Holdcroft 2006; Deneulin & Rakodi 2011; Rakodi 2012). Focusing on beliefs and teachings, Rakodi (2012) explains religion as a set of fundamental beliefs and teachings that provide guidelines on living in accordance with the principles of a particular faith tradition and, to some extent, how society should be ordered. The meaning of religion is also influenced by other factors such as geopolitical locations and discursive practices (Casanova 2009). On the other hand, the meaning of religiosity transcends simply having a religion to encapsulate a wide range of dimensions including faith; orthodoxy and belief; devotion, holiness and piousness; and church membership, church attendance, belief acceptance, doctrinal knowledge and living the faith (Holdcroft 2006). Given the numerous dimensions of religiosity, Holdcroft (2006) explains that a religious person may not allow some aspects of religiosity to invade daily life. For instance, a person may know or believe, but not live accordingly.

In this case, it is possible for people to be religious without necessarily belonging to, or practising a religion and vice versa. For example, Fuller (2001) reports that while some people who claim to have religion in the United States tend to be unreligious and very liberal in their beliefs usually attracted to a variety of unorthodox ideas and practices, there are also those who are religious but have no religion. However, in Ghana, religion is largely synonymous with religiosity as being religious means believing in the existence of a supernatural being (God) and practising fundamental teachings and beliefs (e.g. going to church, reading scriptures such as the Bible and Quran) of a particular faith group with the hope of eclipsing worldly sufferings and experiencing eternal joy or salvation beyond death.

Today, religion has become unavoidable in development thinking, studies and practice because of its impact on people’s lives (Deneulin & Rakodi 2011; Rakodi 2012) and its influence on individuals’ understanding of well-being, especially in developing countries (Narayan et al. 2000). Globally, there is evidence of growing religiosity due to demographic growth and conversion (Deneulin & Rakodi 2011), although the rate of growth is slower than in the past (Barrett et al. 2001). Scholarly opinion suggests that many people are feeling socio-economic and political pressures to become religious due to the perceived association of religion with a sense of identity, prosperity, well-being and power (Deneulin & Rakodi 2011). In Africa, three religions are dominant – Christianity, Islam and Traditional – yet they exhibit different growth patterns. According to the Pew Forum (2010), the proportion of people professing traditional religion in sub-Saharan Africa decreased from 75% in the 1900 to an estimated 13% in 2010, while in the same period Christianity increased from 9% to 57% and Muslims from 14% to 29%. The sharp rise in Christianity is characterised by the emergence of different faith groups. Research (e.g. Gifford 2004; Meyer 2004; Deneulin & Rakodi 2011) indicates that faith groups within Christianity range from Orthodox and Protestants to Pentecostals or Charismatics.

Several reasons have been put forward to explain the increasing religiosity, particularly Christianity in Africa. As it is widely reported, African countries are often identified with widespread poverty, political instability, civil wars, and economic and social crises (Gifford 2004; Cobbinah et al. 2013). In addition, the African continent is home to fast-spreading diseases such as HIV/AIDS and polio. These sociocultural and politico-economic challenges, according to Gifford (2004), have influenced Africans’ attitude towards religion, as they increasingly find comfort and hope through religion. Meyer (2004) describes the growing religiosity, particularly Christianity in Africa, as

… the salience of the contrast between the familiar image of African prophets from Zionist, Nazarite, or Aladura churches, dressed in white gowns, carrying crosses, and going to pray in the bush, and the flamboyant leaders of the new mega-churches, who dress in the latest (African) fashion, drive nothing less than a Mercedez Benz, participate in the global Pentecostal jetset, broadcast the message through flashy TV and radio programmes, and preach the Prosperity Gospel to their deprived and hitherto-hopeless born-again followers … (p. 448)

In such situations, it is unsurprising that Christianity has grown considerably since the beginning of the twentieth century in Africa (Gifford 2004; Meyer 2004; Pew Forum 2010). Presently, African countries are characterised by increasing numbers of Christian PoW (churches) and evangelists (Gifford 2004).

Mirroring the situation in Africa, the majority (71.2%) of Ghanaians are Christians, 17.6% are Muslims, 5.2% profess traditional religion and 5.3% are not affiliated to any religion (Ghana Statistical Service 2012). Of the 71.2% Christians, 28.3% are Pentecostals/Charismatics (e.g. International Central Gospel Church, Action Chapel and Ebenezer Worship Centre), 18.4% are Protestants (e.g. Methodist, Presbyterian and Anglican), 13.1% are Orthodox (Catholics) and 11.4% are those professing other Christian beliefs such as Jehovah Witnesses (Ghana Statistical Service 2012). Gifford (2004) explains the new dimension that Christianity has assumed in Ghana as the emergence of a radical modernisation dominated by Pentecostalism and evident by growing diversity of churches and unique ministries, focusing on prayer, prosperity, faith healing and spiritual warfare.

Meyer (2002) notes that, unlike Orthodox faith groups which are well established, part of a global movement and follows a hierarchical structure of accountability and responsibility, Pentecostalism is largely independent and individually owned. Others (Gifford 1998; Meyer 2002) have argued that while Orthodox and some Protestant faith groups advocate a stance of ‘to be poor to be holy’, Pentecostals advertise the prosperity gospel claiming to know the pathway to heaven-like life on earth, and often exploiting vulnerable members. It is therefore understandable that Pentecostalism, emphasising consumption as a sign of divine blessing, has become more widespread in urban Ghana (Meyer 2002; Gifford 2004), and is occurring at a time of neo-liberal capitalism in Ghana (see Meyer 2002).

The growing diversity of the Pentecostal faith groups is marked by different categories of their PoW, ranging from imposing and mega edifices to small, temporary and rented structures (Gifford 1998, 2004; Meyer 2002, 2004). Unfortunately, in mainstream development planning and practice, religion continues to receive limited attention as it is often neglected (Rakodi 2012). This limited recognition is manifested in less consideration for PoW in land use plans/schemes by urban planning authorities (Kinney & Winter 2006; Hancock & Srinivas 2008; Justin 2011). Across developing regions of Africa and Asia, Hancock and Srinivas (2008) describe PoW as the creation of urban forms that contradict the goals of land use planning. In many African countries, PoW, particularly for Pentecostal faith groups, are increasingly being located in unauthorised areas, often generating excessive noise during usage especially in the evenings. For example, in Ghana, several PoW for Christian faith groups, mostly Pentecostals, were ordered to relocate or face forcible ejection by planning authorities due to excessive noise-making and unauthorised locations in 2012 (Daily Graphic 2012). Also, in Nigeria, Bouma and Hughes (2000) argue that, owing to astronomical rise in the number of Christian faith groups, there is mushrooming of PoW in residential neighbourhoods, most of which are unauthorised. Although historically PoW were smaller-scale uses designed to serve specific residential neighbourhoods or small settlements (Ashley 2009) and are still appropriate in residential areas today, the diversity of faith groups, especially Christian faith groups, coupled with the increasing demand for PoW, has called for a renewed approach requiring a careful consideration for the location of these religious grounds (Hancock & Srinivas 2008; Macaulay 2008).

It is true that, in a variety of ways, poor location PoW for each of the three major religions in Ghana may generate some land use planning concerns. Research shows that PoW for Christian faith groups, particularly Pentecostals, are becoming more dominant in urban Ghana due to their prosperity-focused teachings and emphasis on consumption (Meyer 2002; Gifford 2004), often in poor and unauthorised locations (see Ahmed & Dinye 2012). In the context of urban planning, location of PoW should conform to sustainable land use planning requirements. Sustainable land use planning guarantees environmental benefits (Daniel et al. 2009), lowers resource use, reduces pollution (Jabareen 2006), minimises the rate of conversion of, and encroachment on natural areas and ecosystems, and promotes sound environment for urban residents (Naess 2001). Across developed countries, literature describing the location of PoW emphasises adherence to sustainable land use planning requirements (e.g. Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000; Numrich 2000; Hoernig 2006). In this case, it is expected that location of PoW in Africa, in general, and Ghana, in particular, would be determined by land use planning requirements. Regrettably, however, poor location of PoW has become a commonplace in Ghana, often attributed to limited recognition of PoW as a land use type by urban planning authorities. For instance, PoW are categorised under civic and cultural land use, which accommodates public and private offices, health facilities, security establishments and centres for religious and sociocultural functions (Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly [KMA] 2010). This situation results in competition among the various uses for limited available space, which often leads to poor location of PoW (see Ahmed & Dinye 2012) and poor development control and monitoring systems in urban Ghana (Boamah et al. 2012).

These issues of increasing religiosity, especially Pentecostalism, and some evidence of poor location of PoW, coupled with limited recognition of the importance of PoW in land use planning in urban Ghana, call for further probing into the appropriateness of the location of PoW in the urban environment. However, to appreciate the extent of land use planning challenges imposed by PoW in urban Ghana, it is imperative to understand the background of urban planning in Ghana. The next section thus examines the historical context of urban planning in Ghana.

3. History and administrative jurisdiction of urban planning in Ghana

While observers might question the poor location of a number of PoW, especially Pentecostal/Charismatic churches in urban Ghana, and the challenges they pose to urban functionality and management, a short description of the history and administrative context of urban planning in Ghana would make it clear why such development challenge exists, and why the need for sustainable land use planning is urgent and tenable (see Fuseini and Kemp 2015 for a more detailed historical account on urban planning in Ghana).

Between fifteenth century and mid-twentieth century, Ghana remained a European colony. Urban planning in Ghana was initiated by the British in 1877 through the creation of town councils, in response to poor sanitation and hygiene conditions (Quarcoopome 1993). The town councils were mandated to decongest crowded neighbourhoods, remove unsafe and insanitary structures, improve roads, telegraph and postal communications mostly in the cities, particularly Accra – the national capital (Quarcoopome 1993; Gocking 2005). Nationwide urban planning effort began following the introduction of the Town and Country Planning Ordinance (CAP 84), and the establishment of the Town and Country Planning Department (TCPD) in 1945. The CAP 84 charged TCPD with responsibility of planning and managing growth and development of urban and rural areas in Ghana. The purpose for the introduction of the CAP 84 and the establishment of TCPD was to promote sustainable development of human settlements based on principles of efficiency, orderliness, safety and health.

However, when it came to the role of the CAP 84 and TCPD in addressing the challenges of urban planning during the period between the 1950s and the 1980s, the pervading impression was of the failure of Ghanaian government to make any appreciable efforts towards decentralising urban planning practices after independence in 1957. There are those (e.g. Adarkwa 2012; Boamah et al. 2012; Nunbogu 2014) who argue that urban planning during that period was highly centralised, nationally oriented and sector-based, and that it was insensitive to community aspirations as it failed to provide opportunities for community-level development and engagement.

In 1988, a decentralised system of planning was introduced to ensure a broad community-based approach to urban planning by creating Metropolitan, Municipal and District Assemblies (MMDAs). This system of planning became operational following the passage of Local Government Act of 1993 (Act 462) which declared all communities in Ghana as statutory planning areas. Other planning legislations such as the National Development Planning Systems Act of 1994 (Act 480) and National Building Regulation Act (LI 1630) were enacted to support sustainable planning practices in Ghana. These legislations provided a framework for MMDAs to perform land use planning functions at the district and community levels, and without prejudice mandated the MMDAs to

prohibit, abate, remove, pull down or alter so as to bring into conformity with the approved plan, a physical development which does not conform to the approved plan, or the abatement, removal, demolition or alteration of which is necessary for the implementation of an approved plan. (Local Government Act of 1993 (Act 462), Section 53)

Despite the availability of planning laws and administrative setup, sustainable urban planning in Ghana remains a distant hope as many urban areas are characterised by unauthorised development (Yeboah & Obeng-Odoom 2010; Adarkwa 2012). The predicament of urban planning in Ghana today is the product of the inadequacies, distortions, contradictions and conflicts between various sociocultural elements (e.g. land tenure systems, beliefs/faiths), political factors (e.g. activities of traditional leaders), economic issues (e.g. growing informal activities) and institutional factors such as under-resourced urban planning agencies, as well as limited public knowledge on urban planning issues, that continue to operate in urban Ghana (Afrane & Ahiable 2011; Adarkwa 2012; Boamah et al. 2012).

It is therefore unsurprising that poor urban planning is widespread and pervasive across Ghanaian urban landscape. For example, despite growing informalisation in Kumasi (Afrane & Ahiable 2011), land use planning schemes make no provision for informal operators (Boapeah 2001). According to Afrane and Ahiable (2011), the absence of approved spaces for informal activities is the cause of encroachment of public spaces, especially in the central business district and along major arterial roads by informal operators. Other studies (e.g. Amoako & Cobbinah 2011; Cobbinah & Amoako 2012) have found that, due to urban planning authorities’ inability to effectively manage the growth and development of Kumasi, urban sprawl remains uncontained while increasing rural–urban migration is contributing to slum proliferation. A study by Boamah et al. (2012) in the Wa municipality of Ghana also revealed urban residents’ low compliance with land use planning requirements such as legal building permit, despite their high level of awareness (76%). In such a situation, practising sustainable land use planning becomes increasingly uncertain.

Drawing from the above, it is difficult to isolate increasing religiosity and poor location of PoW in urban Ghana as the causes of poor land use planning. It is true that religion in Ghana, to some extent, imposes land use planning limitations by subverting planning practices and regulations in the development of PoW. For example, given that the 1992 Republican Constitution of Ghana guarantees freedom of religion (Article 21, Section 1, Clause C) and provides a context for people to exercise this freedom, coupled with the highly revered nature of religion in Ghana, it is believed that some faith groups, knowingly or unknowingly, defy land use planning requirements in the location of their PoW. On the other hand, there is another argument that the limited consideration for PoW in land use planning by urban planning authorities remains the bane of land use planning challenges in Ghana. For instance, although the zoning guidelines and planning standards of the TCPD make certain the provision for PoW in land use planning schemes to meet the religious needs of residents, the categorisation of PoW as part of civic and cultural land use (KMA 2010), coupled with low priority accorded to PoW by urban planning authorities, is believed to have contributed to unauthorised development of PoW in urban Ghana.

It is thus obvious that the problematic and inter-woven sociocultural, politico-economic and institutional factors involved in the process of urban planning are making the realisation of sustainable land use planning a widely held but false belief in urban Ghana. This complex background, coupled with growing religiosity, provides a context to explore how PoW in Kumasi are distributed, the factors considered in their location by faith groups and how urban planning authorities are responding to their development.

4. Materials and methods

4.1. Study setting

With an annual population growth rate of 5.4%, Kumasi remains one of the fastest growing cities in Ghana (Cobbinah & Amoako 2012). Kumasi, the second largest city in Ghana, has undergone significant political, physical, demographic and cultural changes over the past decades, and continues to serve as the capital of the Ashanti Region of Ghana (Amoako et al. 2014). Despite the dominance of the Ashantis (major ethnic group in Ghana), Kumasi is largely a multicultural city with its unique centrality as a traversing point from all parts of Ghana, and an important destination for migrants from northern part and rural areas of Ghana (Cobbinah & Amoako 2012; Amoako et al. 2014).

Traditionally, faith groups are highly revered in Kumasi and Ghana in general. With Kumasi’s diverse cultures, PoW are increasingly developing to meet the needs of the various faith groups. Major religions in Kumasi include Christianity (78.8%), Islam (16%) and Traditional (0.3%) (Ghana Statistical Service 2012). In addition, the Christian religion is made up of many faith groups ranging from a relatively stable Orthodox to a rapidly growing Pentecostal, each requiring a PoW for its activities. Figure 1 shows the location of Kumasi.

Figure 1. Geographical location of Kumasi.

4.2. Study method

This study is based on a research conducted in 2013 on urban planning implications of PoW in Kumasi. Recent data (2014) on land use dynamics of PoW in Kumasi have been incorporated. In relation to the methods used, the study reviewed relevant and related literature on nature and characteristics of PoW from both developed and developing countries with a focus on Ghana. The literature review was undertaken at two levels: global and local. The global-level literature review focused on books and journal articles on the concepts, types and characteristics of religion, PoW and land use planning, while the local review examined documents including metropolitan development plans and town planning schemes used in monitoring socio-economic and physical development of Kumasi.

In addition, the study reviewed other documents such as quarterly and annual reports as well as consultancy reports from some of the decentralised government institutions of KMA and Ashanti Regional Lands Commission such as Development Management Unit of KMA, and Public and Vested Lands Management Division, and Land Registration Division of Ashanti Regional Lands Commission. Examples of these documents include the ‘land management and tenure systems in peri-urban areas of Kumasi’ (Baryeh 1997), ‘the Kumasi Metropolitan Area Medium-Term Development Plan (2010–2013)’ (KMA 2010) and the ‘land use and land allocation in Kumasi peri-urban villages’ (Edusah & Simon 2002). The review of these documents was important in establishing land ownership patterns, land use dynamics and land management framework in Kumasi, and further identified the major stakeholders involved in land development and management in Kumasi. This process provided a useful basis for determining the selection of PoW as case study and the type of agencies and category of respondents to be involved in the study. Ideally, the study intended to cover two cities in Ghana. However, due to unique characteristics of Kumasi – high population growth rate, increasing activities of faith groups, availability of data and land use planning challenges – coupled with land ownership disputes, the study was limited to Kumasi.

Using semi-structured interviews, five planning agencies were purposively selected to provide data on the pattern, distribution and land use implications of PoW in Kumasi. These institutions included the TCPD in Kumasi, Building Inspectorate Division of KMA, Public and Vested Lands Management Division and Land Registration Division of the Ashanti Regional Lands Commission, and the Development Management Unit of KMA. The semi-structured interviews allowed for detailed assessment of the phenomena being investigated into (Sarantakos 1998), and further offered sufficient flexibility to approach different agencies differently while still covering the same areas of data collection (Mohd Noor 2008). Moreover, traditional leaders and plot allocation committees in each of the 10 sub-metropolitan areas of Kumasi were interviewed to gain first-hand data on the state and direction of land development in Kumasi.

Given that data on location and distribution of PoW are unavailable, purposive sampling was used to select five PoW from each of the 10 sub-metropolitan areas of Kumasi, focusing on Pentecostal (21), Protestants (16), Orthodox (Catholic) churches (9) and mosques (4). Twenty-one Pentecostal churches were selected because of their diversity and widespread nature in the city while only four mosques were selected due to similarity in their PoW. Traditional religion was not involved in the study due to its limited visibility in the city as only 0.3% of Kumasi residents profess it (Ghana Statistical Service 2012). As presented in Table 1, a total of 50 faith group leaders comprising pastors and elders of Christian faith groups and imams of Islamic faith groups were selected and involved in interview conversations.

Table 1. Summary of research respondents.

Respondents	Number
Faith groups	50
Kumasi Town and Country Planning Department	1
Inspectorate Division of KMA	1
Public and Vested Lands Management Division	1
Land Registration Division	1
Development Management Unit (KMA)	1
Total	55

The interview data were transcribed and analysed using qualitative research software NVIVO 10 (NVivo qualitative data analysis software; QSR International Pty Ltd. Version 10, 2012; Doncaster, VIC, Australia), which facilitated the analysis process by generating themes. Key themes identified from the interviews included factors considered by faith groups in developing PoW; faith groups’ understanding of development permit acquisition process; and the land use planning implications of the locations of PoW in Kumasi. To ensure that the study findings were valid and reliable, data collected from both the agency and faith group interviews were harmonised and summary of findings presented to the agency and faith group representatives. This process was useful in addressing gaps and inconsistencies that had occurred.

5. Results

5.1. Location and distribution of places of worship in Kumasi, Ghana

As presented in Table 2, although PoW are found in different land use designations in Kumasi, 24 of the 50 faith groups involved in this research are located within residential areas. These PoW include Protestants (11), Orthodox (Catholics) (7), Pentecostals (2), and all the 4 mosques. This may reflect the literature reporting on the early and traditional location of PoW in residential neighbourhoods with the purpose of meeting the religious and social needs of members (Ashley 2009). This finding may also relate to Bouma and Hughes’ (2000) claim that the rise in the number of Christian faith groups has led to the concentration of PoW in residential neighbourhoods in Nigeria. The research findings also show that a smaller number (5 out of 50) of PoW is located in commercial areas (see Table 2) and are mainly concentrated in, or close to, the city centre to meet the religious needs of, and attract more members. These PoW were Protestants (2), Catholic (2) and Pentecostals (1).

Table 2. Location and distribution of places of worship.

Location	Frequency	Percentage
Residential zone	24	48
Commercial zone	5	10
Education zone	9	18
Nature reserve/water course	12	24
Total	50	100

Source: Field Survey, January–March, 2013.

However, a new form of location characteristic was observed. Of the 50 faith groups, 12 and 9 are located in nature reserves (ecologically sensitive areas) and educational areas, respectively. Interestingly, all the 12 PoW located in nature reserves were Pentecostals. The location of PoW in nature reserves is consistent with Ahmed and Dinye’s (2012) findings. The aforementioned researchers argued that the occasional floods experience in Kumasi is partly attributable to the poor location of buildings, especially churches, in river basins. Although nature reserves in Kumasi form an important part of land use planning with their overarching objective of protecting water bodies, the study findings indicate that the practice of locating PoW and other development projects (e.g. residential unit) in such areas is becoming widespread. Given the rapid growth of Kumasi, the research findings indicate that these faith groups (12 out of 50) often consider nature reserves found within the city as a prime location for their activities. Figure 2 shows a location of an emerging Pentecostal PoW in a nature reserve in the Oforikrom sub-metropolitan area in Kumasi.

Figure 2. Location of an emerging PoW in nature reserve, Oforikrom Sub-Metro, Kumasi.

The location of PoW in educational areas (9 out of 50) also appears to be a common phenomenon not only in Kumasi but Ghana as a whole. These PoW include Protestants (3) and Pentecostals (6). The interview findings show that these faith groups (9 out 50) use school facilities in the evenings and on weekends when there is no academic activity occurring. According to these faith groups, schools especially basic schools provide an ideal PoW for new and emerging faith groups that do not have the financial strength to acquire land and develop their PoW. Some of these faith groups also explained that the rapid growth of Kumasi, coupled with limited land and high rent, has compelled many faith groups to use school facilities as PoW. The increasing concentration of Pentecostal faith groups’ PoW in nature reserves (12) and educational facilities (6) confirms Gifford’s (2004) claim of evolving nature of Christianity in Ghana dominated by Pentecostalism with growing diversity of churches and ministries.

Field observations further indicate that unlike Pentecostal PoW all Orthodox and some (6 out of 16) Protestants PoW are located on a relatively large land area, often accommodating other services such as residential units for their ministers, and sometimes educational facilities (e.g. basic schools). In addition, while the Orthodox, Islamic and some (6 out of 16) Protestant faith groups’ PoW exhibit similar character in terms of building structures, Pentecostal PoW vary considerably; from mega-churches to classrooms. This finding supports other researchers’ (Gifford 2004; Meyer 2002) claim of diversity in Pentecostalism in Ghana from those with imposing churches to those using temporary and rented structures. The next section explores the faith groups’ perceptions of the factors they considered in locating their PoW.

5.2. Factors influencing the location of places of worship in Kumasi, Ghana

Given that there are several possible factors that may inform faith groups’ decision to develop a particular location as a PoW, this research focused on identifying the most important factor considered in the location of PoW. Of the 50 faith groups’ representatives asked to explain the major factor they considered in developing their present PoW, 25 of them related the location of their PoW to proximity, where members can easily commute to and from their homes. Five and 11 representatives identified accessibility, in terms of availability of accessible roads to the facility, and land availability respectively as reasons for locating their PoW. The other nine representatives linked the location of their PoW to affordability, in relation to the cost of developing these facilities.

Half of the faith groups’ representatives who considered proximity to members as fundamental decision-making factor, in relation to the location of PoW, were Orthodox (7), Islamic (4), Protestants (11) and Pentecostals (3). It is therefore understandable that many of the faith groups are located in residential areas in Kumasi.

The interview findings and field observations show that the types of faith groups that are commonly located in residential areas in Kumasi are the various Christian faith groups and Islamic facilities. This may also be related to the dominance of Christian and Islamic religions in Kumasi.

Location of PoW is also influenced by land availability, with 11 representatives of the various Pentecostal faith groups considering it as a key decision-making factor. These faith groups reported that the rapid growth in both population and size of Kumasi has put pressure on undeveloped areas in the city. As a result, any available land is considered by these faith groups as suitable for development of PoW. The location of some PoW in nature reserves in Kumasi could perhaps be attributed to the perceived unavailability of land in the city. The findings indicate that many faith groups may not be aware of the land use implications of locating in unauthorised areas. Agency consultations revealed that these faith groups located in unauthorised areas are less concerned about the land use planning implications, although some of them have experienced occasional floods. Interestingly, interviews with these faith groups identified climate change as the cause of flooding rather than the poor location of their PoW. They reported that recent changes in weather conditions resulting in heavy downpours over limited period of time should be blamed for the occasional floods.

Other faith groups’ representatives including Orthodox (2), Protestants (7) and Pentecostals (7) also mentioned affordability and accessibility as key factors underlying the location of their PoW. Whilst the Orthodox and some Protestants (4 out of 7) explained the affordability and accessibility factors in relation to location suitability for members arguing that a piece of land is affordable and accessible when church members can easily commute to and from the said location, the Pentecostals mostly lamented over inadequate funds and rising cost of construction. This may perhaps emphasise the consumerism and prosperity-oriented nature of Pentecostalism (Meyer 2002; Gifford 2004). One of the representatives of the Pentecostal faith groups located in an educational facility commented that

Although money can’t do everything, it is very important when it comes to constructing a church facility. We [faith group] need money to buy land, pay housing contractors, and provide facilities like car parks for our members. So for the meantime, we are using this school as our church because it is popular and accessible by our members too. We will construct our own church when we get money in the future. (Faith group 29)

These Pentecostal faith groups believe the educational facilities offer easy access to members while providing faith groups an opportunity to mobilise funds for future development of PoW. Although these Pentecostal faith groups currently do not own PoW, interview results show that affordability, accessibility and proximity to members may be the factors they would consider in the future when locating a PoW, as majority of them mentioned and extensively discussed these factors.

However, the above discussion seems to suggest that the location of PoW in Kumasi is not regulated by urban authorities through planning. This is because none of the interviewees related their major location decision to available planning regulations or land use plans in the city. Although some of the faith groups (22 out of 50) mentioned land use planning requirements in their interpretation of their primary factor, land use planning regulation was not regarded as a fundamental factor in locating PoW. The interview findings indicate that faith groups appear to be more concerned about meeting the religious and social needs of their members compared to the appropriateness of the location of their PoW. Although the majority of the faith groups do not recognise planning regulations as key location decision factor, further clarification from the faith group representatives revealed that 26 out of 50 faith groups – Orthodox (9), Protestants (10), Islam (4) and Pentecostal (3) – have been issued with development permits from the urban planning authorities, while the remaining 24 mentioned that the process of acquiring permit is cumbersome and time wasting.

The issuance of development permit in the context of Ghana is an indication that a proposed development project conforms to existing land uses, and that the said project can proceed. However, as discussed in Section 5.1, some PoW are located in unauthorised areas (e.g. nature reserves) in Kumasi. This suggests that land use planning that ensures compatibility of land uses and effective functioning of the urban environment may have been compromised. Based on development permit acquisition, it appears that activities of Orthodox, Islamic and some Protestants faith groups are well organised, in terms of appropriateness of their location of PoW. This may be attributed to the highly regulated activities of the Orthodox faith group where there is an established hierarchical order. This situation is also true for the Islamic faith groups and some Protestants, particularly Anglican and Presbyterian. However, with the majority of Pentecostal faith groups operating without development permits for their PoW, the pervasiveness of poor location of PoW in Kumasi and the mushrooming of Pentecostalism in urban Ghana cannot be overemphasised (see Meyer 2002; Gifford 2004). This also highlights the largely unregulated activities of Pentecostalism in Ghana (Meyer 2002). The next section examines the city planning agencies’ perspectives and responses to the ‘haphazard’ development of PoW in Kumasi.

5.3. City planning agencies’ responses to the location of places of worship

In Ghana, the National Building Regulation Act, LI 1630 is a legislative framework that mandates developers to seek development permit from urban planning authorities. However, this legislation permits developers to proceed with development after 3 months of submission of an application when the planning authorities fail to respond to their demands in writing. As a consequence, the agency representatives, while admitting that some of the poorly located PoW have been issued with development permits, mentioned that some developers are exploiting this condition in the legislation and are developing without permits, claiming that the planning authorities have failed to consider their permits. This finding can be related to Boamah et al.’s (2012) findings that despite high urban residents’ knowledge of planning requirements in the Wa municipality of Ghana there is low compliance. This underscores the general problematic urban planning situation in Ghana.

Describing the proliferation of PoW in unauthorised locations in Kumasi, the agencies, while admitting that some PoW are becoming a nuisance in the city, indicated that not all PoW in Kumasi are found in unauthorised areas. The Kumasi TCPD representative reported that the agency has used land use schemes over the past years as a guiding principle for determining where PoW should be located by ensuring that sites for such uses are accessible, within approved planning schemes and conform to surrounding uses. Although this strategy, according to the agency representative, has been successful in managing the activities of some PoW in Kumasi, the planning agencies could not provide data on the number of development permit applications for PoW that have been approved or rejected since 2000. Thus without such data, it is difficult for the agency to determine the location of PoW that have been approved. Analysis of the agency interviews and documents show that poor record keeping is a major factor rendering planning agencies in Kumasi ineffective, in relation to managing the development of PoW.

This problem of poor record keeping appears to be widespread in many agencies in Ghana. The agency interview findings suggest that the planning agencies in Kumasi are powerless and often times ineffective, in terms of guiding, developing and managing the growth of the city because of poor record keeping. The attitude of planning authorities in Kumasi has thus become an ad hoc response to development challenges as and when they emerge. It is therefore not surprising that the interview findings indicate that land use planning in Kumasi is driven and dictated by developers, with planning agencies acting in response to changes ensuing from such developments. Thus, the reverse of development following laid down planning requirements is occurring in Kumasi, where development precedes planning. This finding is also consistent with Wallace and Frisken’s (2000) assertion that poor planning of PoW has often generated ad hoc planning interventions to avoidable land use conflicts across multiple landscapes.

The agency interviews identified inadequate logistics and personnel, inadequate public awareness and apathy on the part of some residents of Kumasi, especially developers, as the causes of poor land use planning in the city. This finding supports Boamah et al.’s (2012) claim that poor land use planning in Ghana is influenced by a combination of sociocultural factors – such as land tenure systems, and indigenous beliefs and practices towards land development – and limited public knowledge on the need for sustainable urban development and management.

The agency representatives further blamed religion for the haphazard development of some PoW in Kumasi. As discussed in Section 2, religion is highly revered in Ghana, while many urban residents across Africa also perceive PoW as antidotes to fear and hopelessness and centres for socio-economic breakthrough. As a result, the planning agencies in Kumasi explained that they are sometimes compelled to approve a development permit for a PoW which is located in an unauthorised area. Some agency officials commented that

… I am a strong Christian and I believe in winning souls for Christ … I can’t refuse my pastor a building permit for a church that will help win souls for Christ, just because of its location. I don’t condone poor siting of churches, but there is always a way out … (TCPD, Kumasi)

… To me, religion in Ghana has contributed to the peace and harmony that we enjoy as a country. But many religious leaders also use religion to influence important state institutions and get the wrong things done … (Development Management Unit (KMA))

The above quotes suggest that urban planning authorities are influenced by their own religious faiths and beliefs when dealing with locations of PoW. While this situation is perhaps understandable given that religion permeates people’s lives (Deneulin & Rakodi 2011; Rakodi 2012) and influences individuals’ understanding of well-being, especially in developing countries in Africa (Narayan et al. 2000), the impacts on urban functionality may be grievous, as poor location of PoW, especially in nature reserves, may lead to regular flooding with its attendants costs to lives and properties (see Ahmed & Dinye 2012). Thus, while faith groups through PoW are generally acknowledged to have contributed to cultural and social formation and development globally (Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000), planning for their sustainable development remains imperative in Ghana, particularly Kumasi.

6. Discussion and conclusion

This article has shown that sustainable land use planning remains one of the most challenging aspects of urban planning in Kumasi, in particular, and Ghana, in general. It is, of course, possible to argue that the rapid population growth, rural–urban migration urban sprawl, growing informal settlements and activities in Kumasi are in themselves the cause of poor land use planning. This may be true to a certain extent. But as some authors (e.g. Boapeah 2001; Afrane & Ahiable 2011; Amoako & Cobbinah 2011; Ahmed & Dinye 2012; Cobbinah & Amoako 2012) have noted, the limited capacity of urban planning authorities to plan and respond to emerging planning challenges and apathy on the part of urban residents, in terms of adhering to urban planning regulations, are breeding a new pattern of land use development dictated by developers with urban planning authorities becoming spectators. As a result, land use planning that reduces congestion and pollution, abates and deals with increasing land development challenges, and promotes sustainable urban management is lacking in Kumasi.

Most especially, however, this study acknowledges the influence of faith groups in terms of the location and distribution of their PoW, on sustainable land use planning in Kumasi. Although PoW provide important emotional, social, religious and sometimes economic needs of both city residents and faith groups, the increasing religiosity, especially Pentecostalism, emphasising consumption and prosperity is creating land use concerns, contradictions and conflicts in relation to the development of PoW. First, many PoW of Pentecostal faith groups are located in unauthorised areas in Kumasi such as nature reserves and educational areas. Second, planning authorities appear to have sacrificed sustainable land use planning to haphazard development of PoW due to reverence of religion in Kumasi and the influence of planning officials’ own religious beliefs. Third, there is a sharp contrast between building permit acquisition and appropriate location of PoW of Orthodox and Islamic faith groups, on the one hand, and Pentecostal and some Protestant faith groups, on the other hand.

Although this study is different from some previous research on PoW in other developing countries in that it has examined the experiences of faith groups, it also supports earlier arguments that PoW are largely located in residential areas (Bouma & Hughes 2000; Hancock & Srinivas 2008) and employment zones (Agrawal 2009), and the rising of Pentecostalism which are largely unregulated and advocate prosperity compared to established and regulated Orthodox faith groups (Meyer 2002; Gifford 2004). The research findings also reinforce the view that the location and distribution of PoW in Kumasi are influenced by factors such as affordability and accessibility (e.g. Hancock & Srinivas 2008; Macaulay 2008).

Some previous research has suggested that PoW are often associated with land use conflicts (e.g. Bouma & Hughes 2000; Hancock & Srinivas 2008). Consistent with the findings of those studies, this research has indicated that location decisions of PoW depend on the type of faith group: Orthodox and Islamic faith groups mostly locate their PoW in residential areas with approved building permits, while the majority of Pentecostals locate in unauthorised areas such as nature reserves and educational facilities often without development permit. Ahmed and Dinye (2012) have already warned of the consequences (e.g. flooding) of poor location of PoW, especially in nature reserves.

In discourses of PoW within the context of sustainable land use planning, the creation of an urban environment where the religious, social and emotional needs of residents are met is much debated (e.g. Baker & Chitty 2000; Ebaugh & Chafetz 2000). The interviews revealed that the factors considered by the majority of faith groups in the location of PoW are largely inclined to meeting the needs of members. This, of course, is not to say that meeting members’ needs is unimportant when considering location of PoW. However, with rising Pentecostalism characterised by poor location of PoW, creation of a liveable urban environment for meeting the needs of faith group members cannot be achieved when land use planning regulations are not followed. The largely poor location characteristics of Pentecostal faith groups’ PoW, particularly in nature reserves, may generate more adverse effects such as flooding in the future. Alternatively, adherence of Orthodox, Islamic and some Protestant faith groups to land use planning requirements through development permit acquisition has not only ensured land use conformity, but also created an avenue for the introduction of other auxiliary services such as schools, which serve the wider community.

This indicates that adequate recognition of and consideration for planning regulations by faith groups may be an opportunity to spur the realisation of the religious, emotional and social needs of faith groups and their communities. Unfortunately, the rising Pentecostalism characterised by poor location of PoW, and the reverential nature and influence of religion, coupled with widespread limited knowledge of urban residents on urban planning issues in Ghana (Boamah et al. 2012) are eroding the ‘hopes’ of sustainable land use planning in Kumasi. This research further corroborates the existing, wider literature that commodification of Ghanaian society has had major deleterious effects on urban development in Ghana. The implication is that it is not more commodification reflected in neo-liberal thinking that will address the urban challenges in Ghana, but less. The evidence is clearly that the more the private sector (even of the religious hue) increases its influence in society, the more chaotic society becomes (see Obeng-Odoom 2013). This is not to say that poor location of PoW is the sole contributor of unsustainable land use planning. As discussed in Section 3, urban planning authorities in Ghana are already faced with several land use planning challenges including congestion, rise in informal settlements and activities, environmental degradation and uncontained urban sprawl, with which the literature on Ghanaian urbanism is replete.

This research suggests that for PoW to be properly located and integrated into land use planning, urban planning agencies in Ghana and other developing countries need to be at the forefront and improve upon their record keeping, permit acquisition processes and embark on public education on the importance of development permits in the functionality of the city. With rising Pentecostalism and religiosity in Kumasi, it is by involving, valuing and evaluating the perspectives and experiences of faith groups themselves that meaningful approaches to planning, developing and managing land uses, especially PoW, become clearer and more likely to succeed.

Acknowledgment

Our thanks go to the anonymous referees for their constructive comments.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Patrick Brandful Cobbinah

Patrick Brandful Cobbinah is an adjunct research fellow with the Institute for Land, Water and Society, Charles Sturt University, Australia. He holds a PhD in environmental science from Charles Sturt University, Australia, and BSc (hons) in human settlement planning from the Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, Ghana. His research is focused on sustainable development and urban and regional planning, environmental conservation and poverty reduction. He has published many papers on these subjects. He has collaborated on several international projects with Australian and Ghanaian universities.

Prosper Issahaku Korah

Prosper Issahaku Korah holds a master of science in environmental and infrastructure planning from the University of Groningen. He also holds a bachelor of science in Human Settlements Planning from Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology, where he also served as a teaching and research assistant. His research interests include: flood risks management, complexity and planning, spatial planning, and spatial analysis with GIS.