“I Thought I Was Coming to Paradise”: Expectation–Reality Discrepancy among Nigerian Migrants

ABSTRACT

There is an increasing hunger for migration in Nigeria. The urgency and desperation to emigrate without a clear path and adequate information about the host country can be disastrous for migrants after arrival in the host country. Most intending migrants have untrue, exaggerated views of life in the West, leading to discrepancies between pre-migration expectations and post-migration experiences. Discrepancies between expectation and reality may affect migrants’ life satisfaction, regret and overall well-being in the host country. This study investigated expectation–reality discrepancy among Nigerian migrants in the United States (US) and the United Kingdom (UK), two major destination countries for Nigerian migrants. The study documented different aspects where Nigerian migrants experience discrepancies between pre-migration expectations and post-migration reality. I showed how Nigerian migrants deal with the initial disappointment. Data were drawn from the qualitative study of the author's PhD research, comprising 31 interviews (17 from the US and 14 from the UK) and migrants’ responses to two Instagram posts on expectation–reality discrepancies. Data were organised and analysed thematically using NVivo (version 12). The study found that 21 participants reported negative expectation–reality discrepancies across four major aspects: finance/occupational mobility, health, aesthetics and sociality. Comments on the social media posts supported these areas of discrepancies. Nigerian migrants reacted to each of the aspects of discrepancies in a unique way. Notable differences were observed between participants’ experiences in the US and UK. The study argued that migrants’ comparison of home and host countries shaped their expression of expectation–reality discrepancy and subsequent reactions.

KEYWORDS:

• migrants’ resilience
• expectation and reality
• subjective comparison
• migrants’ health
• migrants’ employment
• United States and United Kingdom

Introduction

It is a cliché that there is an increase in the rate of global international migration. The estimated number of international migrants increased from 150 million in the year 2000 to 281 million in 2024 (International Organization for Migration [IOM] 2024). While a significant proportion of Africans migrate within Africa, there is has also been an increase in the number of Africans migrating to the West, especially Europe and North America. For example, a study by the African Polling Institute (2020) found that the major destination countries for Nigerian migrants are the US and the UK, with Canada attracting more Nigerians in recent years.

In Nigeria, the recent emigration hunger, leading to the popularity of the “japa” concept, is concerning (Alabi and Olajide 2023; Liu 2024). “‘Japa’ is a Yoruba term, which literally means to escape or flee from danger or unpleasant situations” (Alabi and Olajide 2023, 78). Japa, in the migration context, suggests that Nigeria is not habitable and that emigration from Nigeria is an escape from misery and hardship (Liu 2024). With the consistent fall of the Nigerian Naira against the US dollar (one US dollar is over 1200 Nigerian Naira at the official market as of late June 2024), the controversial results of the 2023 national elections, and an increasing inflation rate following the removal of fuel subsidy in June 2023, without a corresponding increase in the minimum wage, many Nigerians may be pushed to emigrate. There is evidence that the number of Nigerians living outside the country has been increasing for decades. According to the IOM (2016), the number of Nigerian migrants overseas more than doubled between 1990 and 2013. The United Nations (UN 2014) stated that the number of Nigerians living outside Nigeria was over 447,000 in 1990. The figure rose to over 750,000 in 2000 and increased to over 1.2 million by 2013. The 2024 World Migration Report shows that Nigeria is among the top 10 countries in world receiving remittances and that the country recorded the highest disaster displacement numbers (2.4 million) in Africa as of 2022 (IOM 2024), which suggest an increasing emigration rate in Nigeria. With the consistent fall in the value of the Nigerian Naira, rising level of insecurity and internal displacement within the last 10 years, the number of Nigerians living abroad would have increased further. For instance, a recent study that analysed the Afrobarometer survey found that the over one-third (35.3 per cent) of Nigerian adults wants to emigrate to another country, especially to the West (Alabi and Olajide 2023).

Nigeria has a long history of emigration to the West, especially the US and the UK. However, the motivation for emigrating has changed over time. During colonial times, Nigerians emigrated to different countries, including the US and UK, to receive formal education. Several political rulers (Nnamdi Azikiwe, Obafemi Awolowo, Tafawa Balewa, etc.) who fought for Nigeria's independence received education in the US and UK. They returned to their home country after pursuing their education abroad and participated in the struggle for Nigeria's independence. In recent times, however, the primary motive for emigration has changed to (semi)permanent relocation, leading to a brain drain in multiple sectors in Nigeria (Adebayo and Akinyemi 2022; Ogbu 2019). It is noteworthy that the motive for emigration in Nigeria has transcended the economic and push–pull theories of migration to “fleeing for survival” (Liu 2024, 3). Coping is not an option; Nigerian youth want to leave the country as a matter of urgency (Alabi and Olajide 2023; Liu 2024).

In addition, having a relative abroad is an indicator of socio-economic success. Mbah (2017) reported that many Nigerians at home respect, fear and obey (returning) migrants, especially those from the US. Acquiring American or British citizenship is considered a huge achievement in Nigeria—and many parts of Africa—and serves as a marker of class. Hence, Shachar (2007) attributed global inequality to the acquisition of citizenship. In present-day Nigeria, statements like “my son is in the US,” “my daughter is in the UK,” “my sister is an American citizen” and “my brother and his wife had their baby in London last week” are a show of status (see Shachar 2007, 2009 on citizenship, birthright and inequality). Hence, many Nigerians want to go overseas, too, at all costs (Ikuteyijo 2020).

Undoubtedly, intending migrants have imagined how life in the US and the UK, what Manolova (2019) calls the “imaginary West,” will be. This image may be influenced by what they hear from their friends and relatives in the diaspora, what they see on social media, and what they watch on television and in foreign movies. However, studies have shown that people tend to have exaggerated views of life in the West (Covington-Ward 2017; Diamond 2015; Okeke-Ihejirika et al. 2020; Rynderman and Flynn 2016; Şafak-Ayvazoğlu, Kunuroglu, and Yağmur 2021), leading to an experience of expectation–reality discrepancy upon arrival in the host country. Expectation–reality discrepancy is the difference between pre-migration expectations and post-migration experiences. Positive expectation–reality discrepancy occurs when the post-migration experiences are better than the pre-migration expectations. The reverse is negative expectation–reality discrepancy.

Before emigration, many migrants (especially skilled migrants) thought they would continue their profession in the host country. However, many of them are met with occupational deskilling after arrival, leading to a situation where a doctor, lawyer or engineer with several years of experience in the home country finds less skilled jobs, such as driving, support work and shopkeeping, to pay bills and survive in the host country (Rynderman and Flynn 2016). In addition, Nigerian social life differs in many respects from what is obtainable in the West. For example, in Nigeria, healthcare workers and academics are called by their titles (“Professor A,” “Doctor B,” “Pharm. C,” “Barrister X,” “Nurse Y”) compared to the West, where people prefer to be called by their forename. In addition, personal relationships and gestures are appreciated in Nigeria, but formality prevails in the West. House rents are paid annually in most places in Nigeria but weekly or monthly in most places in the West. A lack of awareness of these systemic, social and cultural differences may result in a negative expectation–reality discrepancy.

This study investigated expectation–reality discrepancy among Nigerian migrants in the US and UK. Earlier studies have shown that migrants experience negative expectation–reality discrepancy (Alves 2013; Covington-Ward 2017; 2017; Danso 2002; Diamond 2015; Gernandizo 2017; McKenzie, Gibson, and Stillman 2013; Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018; Murphy and Mahalingam 2006; Şafak-Ayvazoğlu, Kunuroglu, and Yağmur 2021), which has implications for their health and quality of life (Murphy and Mahalingam 2006; Wang et al. 2010; Zhang et al. 2009). However, there is a paucity of literature in that regard among Nigerian migrants. I ask: In what major aspects do Nigerians in the UK and US experience discrepancy between pre-migration expectations and post-migration reality? If most migrants experience negative expectation–reality discrepancy, as earlier studies have shown, what are their coping strategies and what factors encourage Nigerian migrants to remain in the host country despite the disappointment? This study contributes to knowledge because (1) it documents migrants’ experiences across two host countries and points to notable differences between them; (2) it captures not only discrepancies but also resilience strategies; and (3) migrants have transnational orientations (Alfred 2010), and they constantly compare situations at home with happenings in the host countries (Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018). Hence, this study showed how inequalities between the home and destination countries shape migrants’ expression of discrepancies and resilience. The study reports findings from 31 online interviews (17 from the US and 14 from the UK), which comprise the qualitative aspect of the researcher’s doctoral fieldwork. In addition, findings from social media posts related to the two research questions are presented.

Earlier studies on expectation–reality discrepancy among migrants

A lack of adequate information about the host country is a factor in expectation–reality discrepancy among migrants. “A rather naïve image of life abroad quite often leads to [a] migration decision” (Mbah 2017, 252). Instead of intending migrants evaluating their chances of success in the new country, they want to leave Nigeria first—by any means possible—and figure things out later in the host country. Consequently, Sabates-Wheeler, Taylor, and Natali (2009) reported that access to information before migration is essential for migrants’ post-migration adjustment.

Aside from the high cost of rent and tax, many migrants did not know of the structural barriers in their destination country before they migrated. For instance, Trimikliniotis, Papayıotaannis, and Kamali (2013) noted that, often, the international community does not recognise the educational qualifications and training obtained in African institutions, thus causing most African migrants to be employed outside their specialised area of training. Hence, some studies on expectation–reality discrepancy have focused on employment, incomes and occupational mobility among migrants (Covington-Ward 2017; McKenzie, Gibson, and Stillman 2013; Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018; Rynderman and Flynn 2016). Typical exaggerations are that there are plenty of jobs in the West (Rynderman and Flynn 2016); that the West is filled with “milk and honey with streets paved with gold” (McKenzie, Gibson, and Stillman 2013, 1); and that migrants can make money quickly with no stress at all (Alves 2013; Covington-Ward 2017). Rynderman and Flynn (2016) reported disappointment expressed by migrants from Egypt and the Middle East in their qualitative study of migrants in Australia. Some migrants were assured by migration agents that there were plenty of jobs in the West and that the destination country was close to being perfect. However, they found this to be untrue after arrival. Their study further showed that some professionals who migrated from Africa, expecting to seek better working conditions in their destination countries, were employed as cleaners or drivers—jobs they would never have accepted in their home country (Rynderman and Flynn 2016). In Barcelona, Alves (2013) reported that female Nigerian migrants had thought that they “would be able to pick some money from the trees and buy a car” (2). Some of them resorted to commercial sex work after post-migration realities unfolded.

However, expectation–reality discrepancy is not limited to finance or employment. It may also occur in other areas of life (see Covington-Ward 2017; Diamond 2015; McCallister 2012; Takeda 2014; Woodgate et al. 2017). For example, African migrants in the study of Woodgate et al. (2017) were disappointed by the lengthy referral system and long waiting time in the host country’s health system. They were expecting to receive quick medical treatment, as they had experienced in their home country in Africa. However, they were disappointed by the several tests they were asked to do and how they were passed from one medical professional (general practitioner) to another (dermatologist, dentist, etc.). In addition, African migrants were disappointed by the trivialisation of their illness, where doctors asked them to drink plenty of water instead of giving them medicine to cure their illness (Woodgate et al. 2017). Empirical studies and review papers have reported that contrary to their pre-migration expectations, African migrants in the West have unmet health needs and deteriorating health (Chowdhury et al. 2021; Machado et al. 2022; Salami et al. 2021). One wonders how and why African migrants in the West have unmet health needs and poorer health post-migration. While the analysis of this issue is beyond the focus of the current paper, the healthy immigrant effect did point to the veracity of the claim that migrants tend to have poor health outcomes in the host countries with increasing duration of stay (Lubbers and Gijsberts 2019). The main point here is that many African migrants expected better health outcomes in the West, considering the improved healthcare facilities in the latter. However, they experienced discrepancies between pre-migration expectations and post-migration realities.

Migrants also have exaggerated views of aesthetics and social lives in the West (Covington-Ward 2017). Motivated by what they have seen on social media and in Western movies, many migrants expected that streets in Western countries would be paved with gold and that there would be beautiful buildings everywhere, with no bushes, floods, or dirt. However, they were disappointed to realise that Western countries have beautiful areas and ghetto-like communities. In addition, migrants may experience a discrepancy in sociality. Covington-Ward (2017) reported how migrants were disappointed with the experience of impersonal relationships in their host country, where unfamiliar people did not greet each other or interact, contrary to the personal and communal lifestyle they were exposed to in their home country. In Nigeria, for example, the concept of “owanbe” explains the importance of sociality. “Owanbe” is a popular slang term in Nigeria that depicts the different social events and activities Nigerians engage in to make merry with one another. Owanbe includes wearing the same fabric, which the host or organiser of a party chooses. According to Nwafor (2011), the idea of owanbe rests on the belief that every occasion is worth a celebration with extravagant partying. Owanbe events happen mainly during the weekend, and they include wedding ceremonies, burial ceremonies, chieftaincy ceremonies, birthday parties, naming ceremonies, and other social functions where people gather to eat, drink, and meet new people (Lawal et al. 2022). Nigerians who are used to attending owanbe may be disappointed after migrating to the West and realising they have to spend most of their time working, leaving no time for sociality.

Resilient factors in coping with post-migration disappointment: a theory

An important question is why many migrants choose to remain in a host country despite the disappointment and experience of discrepancies between pre-migration expectations and post-migration experience (Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018). The expression “e no easy” (meaning it is not easy) is commonly used in Nigeria to show how tough it is to make ends meet. When migrants use this jargon, a critical question to ask is, why they do not return home if it is not easy abroad? Earlier studies have used the idea of resilience to show how African migrants navigate through the unpleasant migration experiences in the host country (Babatunde-Sowole et al. 2016; Chigeza and Roos 2011; Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018; Mwanri, Anderson, and Gatwiri 2021; Prah and Sibiri 2020; Roberto and Moleiro 2016). However, except for the work of Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau (2018), most studies did not discuss how the situation at home and how migrants’ subjective comparison of home and host countries give them reasons to remain in the host country.

In their study, Chigeza and Roos (2011) showed how undocumented African migrants in South Africa adopted individual and interpersonal or relational resilient strategies to remain in the host country despite police extortion, discrimination, and abuse by nationals. The individual factors migrants adopted include (1) the “regulation of self to benefit of family” (126), which entails not responding to South Africans who rain insults at them and controlling their anger when the nationals attack them; (2) expression of hope and optimism for the future, which resonates with the “e go better” concept among Nigerian migrants—“e go better” means that suffering is temporary, better days are coming. The interpersonal resilience strategies include shared values and concerns among African migrants from similar cultural backgrounds and the establishment of migrant communities where they meet regularly to provide care for one another and share resources.

In an integrative review of African migrants in the West, Babatunde-Sowole et al. (2016) found that the internal factors employed by female Africans include micro or personal factors, such as skills, responsible behaviour, spirituality and faith, which are similar to the individual factors in the study of Chigeza and Roos (2011), as well as the study of Mutsindikwa and Gelderblom (2014) on the role of religious associations. There are also external resilient factors at different levels, including the mesosystem (family), the exosystem (the local community in the host country) and the macrosystem (the wider host society). For Mwanri, Anderson, and Gatwiri (2021), who conducted a study among African migrants in Australia, the resilience factors during resettlement in the host country included a striving for professional excellence and a willingness to work in any sector, even in those where they experience occupational mismatch and downgrading.

It can be gleaned that resilience could be a joint effort of the individual migrants and social institutions in the host country. However, similar to the report of African migrants in South Africa (see Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018), one may argue that in the case of Africans migrating to the West, the evaluation of power relations and inequalities between the sending and receiving countries pushes migrants to develop resilience and coping mechanisms after an initial disappointment. Contemporary migrants maintain transnational ties and are able to compare opportunities and challenges among different countries (Alfred 2010), including the home (Nigeria) and host country (in the West). Hence, despite experiencing disappointment and discrepancies between pre-migration expectations and post-migration experiences, the result of a subjective comparison of the situations between home (i.e. country of origin) and host country may leave migrants with no choice but to move on (Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018), thereby awakening migrants’ resilience capacity.

This argument resonates with the nexus of citizenship and global inequality (Shachar 2007). Canadian migrants who experience an expectation–reality discrepancy in the US or UK in employment or health, for example, may return to their home country because Canada, like the US and UK, fares well in the development indicators. However, a Nigerian migrant may stay in the host country despite the disappointment. Another example of how home–abroad comparisons shape migrants’ resilience and relative satisfaction in the host country is evident in South Africa. South Africa is currently facing an electricity problem, leading to load-shedding, where electricity is interrupted between certain hours at different times across different locations. In South Africa, residents are notified in advance of load-shedding. There is a mobile app to monitor when load-shedding will occur in different locations and when electricity will be restored. Despite these challenges and the lamentations of South Africans, many Nigerians believe it is much better than the situation at home, where electricity can be down for weeks without prior notification and explanation from the appropriate authority. In addition, social amenities (road networks, education, and health systems) in South Africa are more stable and improved than what is obtainable in Nigeria. Although South Africa might have fallen short of meeting the expectation of being the “Europe in Africa,” many Nigerian migrants may prefer to stay because the situation is still better than that of the home country. Consequently, citizenship is connected to how migrants cope with expectation–reality discrepancy in the host country.

Methods

This study is part of the author's doctoral research. The doctoral research investigated the experiences and integration of Nigerian migrants in the US and UK using mixed methods (see Alabi 2024). The current paper reports some of the findings from the qualitative aspect of the doctoral work. The fieldwork was approved by the Ethics Committee of the department where I completed my doctoral work. The approval number is SOC2022/1.

In addition to the data from my doctoral fieldwork, I analysed two posts from an Instagram blog owned by a Nigerian living in the UK.¹ Social media has become a platform where migrants network, share their experiences and maintain ties with families and friends (Lásticová 2014; Rugunanan and Meyers 2022). In April 2022, the blog, which focuses on migration and migrants’ experiences and policy changes in the UK, asked migrants to narrate their pre-migration expectations and post-migration reality. The comments on the posts are relevant to the first research question on expectation–reality discrepancies. Later, in another post, the blog asked migrants to state why they remained in the UK despite the expectation–reality discrepancies. The responses are relevant to the second research question on resilience strategies.

For the qualitative method, I conducted online interviews with Nigerians migrants in the US and UK. Although online interviews have limitations and challenges, such as distractions during discussions, internet connectivity issues, etc., they have proven helpful in recent migration studies (Gruber et al. 2021; Pszczółkowska 2020). I interviewed 31 Nigerian migrants (17 in the US and 14 in the UK). In the US, interviews were conducted with Nigerians across several locations, including Texas, Florida, Missouri, Illinois, Massachusetts, Tennessee, Maryland and Georgia. In the UK, migrants from several cities participated in the study, including Brighton, Cardiff, Derbyshire, Belfast, Manchester, Cambridge, Sheffield and Birmingham. I adopted multiple sampling techniques, including purposive and snowball selection. The sample composition was carefully monitored during the fieldwork to achieve a relative balance in terms of gender and religious distributions. In addition, I ensured that a sizable number of participants were interviewed from each host country. The sample comprised 16 males and 15 females; 17 Christians, 13 Muslims and one participant who did not practice any religion. Thirteen participants were within the age group of 31–40; six participants were aged between 41 and 50 years old; and eight participants were within the age group of 21–30.

All the interviews were recorded with the permission of the participants. Data collection lasted approximately three months, from May to August 2022. The average duration of the interviews was 66 min. The primary language of the interviews was English. An interview guide was used as a structure to follow in the interview process. However, the interview process was flexible. For the current study, there was a question on pre-migration expectations and post-migration reality and a series of probing questions to delve into different aspects of discrepancies and resilience strategies.

Regarding data analysis, I used NVivo (version 12) to analyse the interview data and used the thematic analysis approach. Each participant was assigned a number from Participant 1 to Participant 31. The 14 participants in the UK were assigned numbers P1 to P14. Those in the US were given P15 to P31. Hence, “Participant 8” represents the eighth participant from the UK, while “#21” represents the seventh participant from the US.

The analysis in NVivo began with open coding of all the transcripts. This was followed by re-coding and reorganising the codes into fewer themes. For the current study, there was a parent node on “expectation–reality discrepancy” with child nodes such as (1) experience meets expectation, (2) experience surpasses expectation, and (3) experience falls short of expectation. There was also another node that captured the areas of discrepancy. In addition, there was also a sub-theme on resilient factors or motivating factors that helped migrants to move on. The themes were generated using the data-driven inductive approach (Braun and Clarke 2022). For the Instragram posts, I read and did a manual content analysis of the comments. I integrated the comments on the Instagram with the findings from my PhD fieldwork.

Results and discussion

This section presents findings of the study and is organised into two broad sections. The first section discusses congruence and discrepancy between pre-migration expectations and post-migration reality. The second section presents findings on why migrants stayed in the host country despite the experience of expectation–reality discrepancy.

Experience of expectation–reality (in)congruence

Of the 31 participants, 22 (71 per cent) expressed a discrepancy between their pre-migration expectations and post-migration realities. Nine (29 per cent) said there was a match between what they expected and what they experienced. Of the 22 participants with expectation–reality discrepancy, only one experienced a positive difference: his post-migration experience was better than his pre-migration expectations. His pre-migration expectations of a tough time in the host country were motivated by the idea of “e no easy,” which his relatives had portrayed to him. Hence, the participant lowered his expectations and braced for a tough time in the host country in the first few years of arrival. Although he and his family encountered some difficulties, they were not as challenging as he had expected. However, the participant reported that his attempt to find a job was made easier because of lower competition for jobs during the peak of Covid-19 when he arrived in the UK. Some people died; others left their jobs because of the fear of contracting the virus. Many people from within the European Union left the UK during the lockdowns, which created employment opportunities for African migrants.²

Congruence between expectations and reality

Some participants reported a match between their expectations and reality. At least two factors were responsible for the congruence between expectation and reality.

The first factor was funded migration, which means that the trip to the host country, either to work or to study, was paid for by an organisation or institution. Two participants (one in each host country) who were funded international students said they did not experience expectation–reality discrepancy. One of them said she came with a neutral mind and was aware before she migrated that her university had the resources, such as laboratory equipment, that she needed to do her research. The second participant received the British Commonwealth Scholarship to pursue his doctoral programme in the UK. He reported that he did not have any pre-migration expectations. However, he knew the UK had a better education system and facilities than Nigeria, where he completed his bachelor’s and master’s degrees. The two participants received funded doctoral scholarships covering healthcare, accommodation, and the cost of local and international travel. Hence, they did not have to find a job, pay for healthcare or find accommodation on their own; the scholarship bodies made provisions for their comfort in the host country. In addition, some funding schemes, such as the British Commonwealth Scholarship, organise orientation programmes and provide general guidance to award recipients before and after migration, which keeps them abreast of the dynamics in the host country. This indicates that migrant categories (migrant worker, funded student, permanent resident, immigrant investor, etc.) and the visa type which migrants hold shape their experiences and (un)deservingness in the host country. While some of the participants (such as P17) sold their property to afford the cost of migration and were initially homeless in the host country, others had their migration funded and received stipends in the host country.

The second factor was having family and friends in the host country. Families and friends in the host country serve as reliable sources of information for Nigerian migrants. They guide them through the visa application process, pick them up from the airport when they arrive and provide accommodation in the first few weeks after arrival. This resonates with the suggestion of Sabates-Wheeler, Taylor, and Natali (2009) that access to reliable information about the host country reduces negative expectation–reality discrepancy. Importantly, it reinforces the importance of social networks in shaping how migrants settle in the host country (Olliff et al. 2022). In this regard, a participant narrated thus:

I really actually did not have high expectations of the place anyway. I have siblings here; I have friends here. So even before coming, I already knew, like, I've heard how it is here, you know, like paying so much tax and working really, really hard … so I've already prepared my mind towards that even before coming. So yeah, I'm not surprised in any way. (Participant 3, UK)

The form of support received by Participant 3 has been reported by earlier studies (Chi 2020; Poros 2011). This social network is different from non-resident ties with the home country, and comprises both the non-kin resident ties that migrants form after arrival in the host country and ties with close relatives and former benefactors who already live in the host country (Mutsindikwa and Gelderblom 2014; Yue et al. 2013). Members of this social network often assist with the migration decision, what type of visa to obtain (whether a study, visiting or work visa), flight costs, accommodation and finding jobs in the host country.

Negative expectation–reality discrepancy

The qualitative interviews (21 out of 31 participants) and comments on social media show that many migrants have negative expectation–reality discrepancies in different areas. The four major areas that the two data sources have in common are work or finance, health, aesthetics and sociality.

The economy (work or finance) was the most recurring theme in the analysis. Nigerian migrants thought they would (1) make money and get rich quickly with little or no stress (Covington-Ward 2017; McKenzie, Gibson, and Stillman 2013) and (2) experience career mobility and continue their original career in the host country (Rynderman and Flynn 2016). However, these were different from what they experienced in the host country. On the Instagram posts, migrants lamented that they thought there were plenty of lucrative jobs from which they would easily choose and quickly recover the financial cost of migrating to the West. Hence, some migrants sold their property to meet the cost of visa applications and flights; some took out loans (Alabi and Olajide 2023). The interview participants in both host countries also reported the expectation of getting rich quickly. Some thought they would “hit it big” when they arrived in the host country. They were unaware that, unlike in Nigeria, where workers are paid monthly, many less formal jobs that migrants often find pay workers per hour. Hence, some migrants were disappointed that they had to work for several hours to pay bills and save a little. A participant stated thus:

When I was leaving Nigeria, I thought I was coming to paradise. I had a picture of ‘wow US is one of the best of the best place, as soon as I got my master’s. I am going to be making like crazy hell of money’ … I realised that wasn't the case. It was a different ball game … you have to hustle before you get money. The impression back home was, as soon as you get there, any little job you get, you're gonna be making good money, but that's not the case … you get to work very hard, you have to sweat. (Participant 22, male, US)

Similar findings were reported in the study by Covington-Ward (2017), where Liberian migrants in the US were disappointed that the US was a world of work, and in the study by Rynderman and Flynn (2016), where African professional migrants in Australia thought they would find jobs that were commensurate with their level of education and previous experience in the home country. In this study, most participants who thought they would make money quickly had migrated to the US. Perhaps this may be because of the overblown views that the US is a place “filled with gold” (Participant 28, female, US). It also resonates with the belief that the US is a land of better economic opportunities than the UK (Ecer and Tompkins 2013; She and Wotherspoon 2013). However, one UK Instagram user also thought they would start making money immediately after their arrival.

One factor that makes migrants work hard in the host country is the high cost of living. In Nigeria, most people pay rent annually. In the US and UK, however, most migrants pay rent monthly. Similarly, Nigerian migrants lamented the high cost of electricity and the fact they pay for water. An Instagram user remarked sarcastically, “One might even pay for the air we breathe in and out over here.”

It is crucial to note that expectation–reality discrepancies in terms of finance and employment were more pronounced in one host country than the other. For example, underemployment—that is, finding a job that is not commensurate with one’s education and previous job experience—was reported more in the UK than in the US. In short, as my doctoral research and earlier studies found, migrants in the US have better labour market experience than those in the UK (Ecer and Tompkins 2013; She and Wotherspoon 2013). This could be because the US is larger than the UK, and the former operates a laissez-faire system that gives everyone an opportunity (Imoagene 2012) and because the UK is often reluctant to import labour (She and Wotherspoon 2013).

Some interview participants and Instagram users stated that the UK is unfriendly towards migrants compared to the US and Canada. Hence, many Nigerian migrants use the UK as a stepping stone to migrate to other countries, such as the US, Canada and Australia in the West. They use the UK as a stepping stone through the student visa route, which is easier to obtain. In other words, the US visa requirements are more demanding than the UK’s. Some participants in the UK expressed the intention to migrate to the US for better opportunities.

Another area of expectation–reality discrepancy is health. There is no doubt that the two host countries have better healthcare systems than Nigeria, according to the interview participants and most Instagram commenters. However, some migrants had overblown expectations of the healthcare systems in the US and UK and expected that (1) they would access medical doctors and other healthcare professionals at the snap of their finger, and (2) they would access quality healthcare with little or no cost. Some migrants were disappointed with the reality of the healthcare system in their host country. However, the experiences varied between Nigerian migrants in the UK and those in the US. Those in the UK did not expect to experience long waiting times, where public healthcare is almost free. Those in the US lamented the cost of healthcare. This resonates with earlier comparative studies that report on the particular health challenges facing each of the two host countries (Adeniran 2004; Ham 2005).

In the UK, Instagram commenters agreed that the health system provides quality care. However, accessing health professionals was a challenge. Many commenters on Instagram submitted that, after they migrated, they realised it was easier to access medical doctors in Nigeria than in the UK, contrary to their pre-migration expectations. In an emotional tone, an interview participant remarked thus:

The health system in the UK can be frustrating sometimes. There was a time when my daughter was having a high temperature. So, I called them, and they said if it was not an emergency, we should try to use paracetamol. It is not like in Nigeria where when something happens, you go to the hospital. If it is not something critical, they will keep posting [postponing] you in the UK. (Participant 7, female, UK)

Like many Instagram commenters, some interview participants reported waiting months in the UK before seeing a health professional. In some cases, appointments were rescheduled to a later date. This finding resonates with the study by Woodgate et al. (2017), where African migrants were disappointed by the long waiting time and lengthy referral system in a Western country, where they thought they would have a paradise-like experience.

In the US, in contrast, access to healthcare professionals was easy, but participants lamented the high cost of healthcare. As one participant remarked: “The health system in the US is expensive, but very good. That’s why people try not to get sick in the US, they try not to call the ambulance. I think the ambulance fee is $1500” (Participant 16, female, US). Another participant lamented that despite having health insurance, he still had to pay out of his pocket. Another participant gave an example where her employer paid 80 per cent of her medical bill, but the remaining 20 per cent of the total cost was huge and unaffordable to her. In addition, health insurance may not cover certain treatment costs, such as treatment for skin diseases, in which case migrants will have to pay the total cost out of pocket.

Another expectation–reality discrepancy in health that participants in both host countries experience is the challenges in getting drugs, such as antibiotics, that can be bought in Nigeria over the counter with(out) a doctor’s prescription.

Regarding aesthetics, Instagram commenters and participants in both host countries were disappointed with the dirt in some areas. Some Instagram commenters mentioned the words “dirt,” “dirty,” “heaven,” and “paradise” to express their expectations that everywhere in the UK would be glamorous. For both the interviewees and Instagram users, their expectations of aesthetics in the host country were motivated by foreign movies and the pictures of friends and families they saw on social media. The word “movies” was used by some participants and commenters to show how their expectation of aesthetics was formed. An Instagram commenter said, “Hollywood movies deceived me.” Similarly, a participant from the US lamented:

Before coming to the US, I always imagined the US as this perfect country … I mean what we see in the movies … are the fancy and glamorous parts of the US, but when I got here, … in some neighbourhood and I'm like, ‘it doesn't feel like I'm in America’. (Participant 26, female, US)

Similarly, some participants in the UK expected to see tall buildings and beautiful streets all over the UK. For example, a participant thought that every area in the UK would be as beautiful as the Lekki City of Lagos. Some participants never expected to see ghetto areas in the US or UK. Some participants were disappointed to see places in the US and UK similar to some areas in Nigeria. For instance, flooding is a regular occurrence in some communities in Nigeria during the rainy season. Some participants had thought that the US and UK would never face such a challenge because of their level of development and technological sophistication. They were disappointed to find that roads were flooded and some houses were affected by floods during the wet season in the host countries.

These pre-migration expectations resonate with the study of Covington-Ward (2017) and the idea of an “imaginary West” (Manolova 2019), where intending migrants assume that everything in the host country is shining and perfect and it is “a place offering possibilities for a more meaningful life and a better future” (Manolova 2019, 7).

Concerning sociality, Nigerian migrants expected that the informal relationships they experienced in Nigeria would be the order of the day in the West. In traditional Nigerian society, respect for older colleagues exist in the workplace. In most organizations, senior colleagues are referred to as “Sir” or “Ma,” not by their first name”. Similar to the study by Covington-Ward (2017), Nigerian migrants were disappointed with what they experienced in the host country. Some participants lamented the lack of respect for older people in the US and the fact that some Nigerians have embraced such a culture of equality regardless of age. A participant remarked thus: “I've met some Nigerians, and I have to ask them if truly they are Nigerians. These Nigerians have imbibed the American culture of disrespecting old people” (Participant 23, female, US). Some participants lamented how boring and individualistic life was in the US and UK for them. Some of them spend Christmas indoors in solitude or at work, where they would have spent the holiday with families and friends in Nigeria. Some Nigerian migrants complained about the unfriendly attitudes of the nationals. A typical example is an Instagram user in the UK who said, “Neighbours will even welcome you with ‘tell your kids to keep their voices down else I alert the police and social services.’”

An interesting finding concerning sociality is the lack of owanbe in the UK and US. In Nigeria, especially in Lagos, owanbe provides an opportunity to unwind after a stressful week at work. It is an opportunity to connect with new people and be merry (Lawal et al. 2022; Nwafor 2011). You do not necessarily need to know a celebrant or be related to them to attend their party. If a party is not strictly by invitation, you can attend with a friend without necessarily informing the celebrant. In the West, however, Nigerian migrants rarely attended parties like in Nigeria. A participant in the US explained:

the only disappointment I had was there is no enjoyment in America … . Interestingly, we do owanbe, but we struggle to do it. There is no time to do it as we do in Nigeria … Owanbe is fun … I know people that live in this America with their parents, but they haven't set eyes on them for the past one year. This is because everybody has to work. Here, it's all about work, work, and work. (Participant 30, female, US)

Interestingly, the response from Participant 30 is similar to the finding of Covington-Ward (2017) in the US, where participants reported that the American system is about “work, work, work, work” (1027), which does not allow them time for sociality. When some migrants do manage to socialise, each person is expected to pay for their meal. In Nigeria, it is customary for a male to pay the bill on a date with the opposite sex. It is also common for one person to fund the hanging out of a group of friends. Hence, some Instagram users were surprised when they had to pay for their meals in the UK despite being invited out by friends. They were surprised that sociality is not free in the West.

Disappointed but not going back: resilience among Nigerian migrants

The focus here is on why participants chose to remain in the host country despite experiencing discrepancies between pre-migration expectations and post-migration experiences. On the Instagram post on expectation–reality discrepancies, some commenters in Nigeria suggested those lamenting their disappointment in the UK return home if their experience is unpleasant abroad. They (Nigerians at home) further stated that no matter how discouraging the lamentations of Nigerians in the UK are, they, too, plan to migrate to the UK or elsewhere.

Most interview responses and Instagram comments were based on subjective comparisons of situations in Nigeria and the two host countries. When asked why they refused to return home despite the expectation–reality discrepancies, the answers provided revolved around Nigeria being unsafe, unpredictable, and having a system that cheats. Nigerians fear returning to a country where you leave your house without a high hope of a safe return. They are unwilling to return to a country where they can find work but are unsure when their salaries will be paid. The comment of an Instagram user provides a general summary:

I honestly don’t think there's a perfect country on this earth, till we get to heaven but the goal is to taste heaven on earth. Regarding UK; it’s the functional system for me. The intentionality put into making every sector work in order to make lives better for their citizens/residents, it wows me. I mean where were African leaders when God was sharing common sense? It's really not just about ostentatious living and self-aggrandisement, it’s about living a good, peaceable and content life.

The argument here is that aside from the individual migrants’ efforts and institutions that contribute to migrants’ resilience, a subjective comparison of home and abroad helps African migrants in the West to move on. If the host country has working institutions and better infrastructure than the home country, migrants may decide to stay even when they initially experience expectation–reality discrepancy. For clarity, I discuss resilient factors for each of the four aspects of discrepancies. Importantly, I show how migrants’ comparison of the situation at home and host country serves as motivation to move on despite the disappointment.

Concerning finance and employment, participants emphasised that despite the high tax rates and cost of electricity and rent in their host country, it is better than the home country because things are programmed and predictable in the former. For instance, some participants referred to an uninterrupted power supply, and knowing for sure when their salaries would be paid in the host country—things that are difficult to predict in Nigeria. Significantly, they prefer to live in a country where “they enforce their laws” (Participant 8, male, UK); in a system that does not cheat (Participant 25, male, US); in a country where merit prevails over ethnic and religious considerations for appointment and promotions (Participant 22, male, US); in a system where “you see the results of your hard work” (Participant 28, female, US). Similar reasons were also provided on the Instagram post. In addition, some participants (like Participant 1) said they prefer to live in the UK in any case because of the adequate security and “rest of mind.” Participant 1 had experienced traffic robbery three times while driving in Lagos City, which made her resign from her job and migrate through a student visa to the UK. In short, the social institutions in the host country have better structures in place for Nigerian migrants to deal with challenges related to finance and employment, reinforcing the social resilience perspective of Preston et al. (2022).

At the individual level, participants expressed the idea of “e go better”—that is, hope—which resonates with the findings of the earlier studies (Babatunde-Sowole et al. 2016; Chigeza and Roos 2011). There is little difference in how Nigerian migrants in the two countries expressed hope. In the UK, most participants migrated via a student visa, allowing them to work only 20 h per week. However, some participants were able to secure full-time and better-paying jobs after their postgraduate studies. The UK’s postgraduate study visa allows migrants to work for two years after their postgraduate studies. Hence, many Nigerians in the UK believe that it is worth it: they struggle for one year while studying and work full-time for at least two years afterwards. In addition, some participants in the UK expressed hope to migrate again, to Canada or the US, especially. Three participants (Participants 15, 24 and 27) had lived in the UK before moving to the US for better opportunities, reinforcing the findings of earlier studies that the US has better economic opportunities than the UK (Ecer and Tompkins 2013; She and Wotherspoon 2013). No participant in the US expressed a plan to leave for the UK. For some migrants, the US is a final destination.

In the US participants expressed hope through hard work and being competitive in their field, supporting the findings of Mwanri, Anderson, and Gatwiri (2021). Some Nigerian migrants in the US switch professions after realising that jobs in healthcare and informational and communication technology sectors pay more. For example, some participants who had at least a bachelor’s degree in humanities and social sciences (such as sociology and history) were enrolled as nursing students. Some work multiple shifts to earn more income. An example is the case of a care worker who assumed the position of four different workers during the peak of Covid-19. As the participant remarked:

So, COVID made me step up my game, and with my Nigerian upbringing of ‘Naija no dey carry last.’ Many people didn’t come to work because they were scared … I became a cook, server, and dishwasher. I became virtually everything … . (Participant 25, male, US)

This quote reinforced the fact that while Covid-19 led to job loss for many, it increased the hours of work and income for others (Maviza and Nzima 2022). Although the participant worked hard and earned more during the peak of Covid-19, he paid the price with his health: he caught Covid four times.

At the interpersonal or mesosystem level, a resilient factor at play in both countries is support from families and friends in the host country. Similar to the findings of earlier studies (Babatunde-Sowole et al. 2016; Chi 2020; Chigeza and Roos 2011; Mutsindikwa and Gelderblom 2014; Poros 2011; Yue et al. 2013), some participants lived with their relatives with whom they have kin-resident ties in the first few months after arrival, enabling them to save enough to get their own accommodation and reducing the pressure to work many shifts to pay bills. Social networks comprising ascribed relations, such as people related to migrants by birth, served as a massive support for migrants. They reduced the likelihood of overblown expectations and facilitated migrants’ familiarisation with the economic and sociocultural terrain of the host country (Yue et al. 2013). While some migrants needed to work and pay rent immediately after arriving in the host country, others were housed and fed by their older relatives for up to a year. An example was Participant 18, who said, “I had a solid support system. I was living with my sister. She's the one paying the bills. I was just chilling” (Participant 18, male, US). The participant was supported by his sister through his education in the US and was working as a cloud engineer as of the time of this study. In addition, non-kin social networks, such as religious associations, helped migrants navigate the terrain of the host country. These networks, which are comprised of Nigerian migrants and usually led by those who have been in the host country for decades, provide information regarding housing and employment opportunities to new and young migrants.

Regarding health, some participants from both countries believed in the potency of traditional medicine. Participant 16 said that she took herbs when she was sick. However, herbal sticks and leaves are not readily available in the host country. Hence, some participants have their relatives send them herbs from Nigeria. A few participants maintained that African and Asian herbs are better than synthetic drugs. For example, some participants resorted to self-treatment in the UK because the National Health Service (NHS) was overwhelmed. Some interview participants and Instagram users used the word “nonsense” to describe the NHS because of the long waiting times. One participant narrated how the doctor asked him to go back home, drink plenty of water and rest because his symptoms were trivial. This trivialisation of illnesses was also reported by Woodgate et al. (2017). The participant did a self-test and realised that he had Covid-19. He said he took herbs, such as ginger, lemon and garlic, and tested negative some weeks later. Participants in the US also expressed the effectiveness of traditional medicine and their reservations about the health system in the US. In this regard, a participant remarked:

The American system will never imbibe African traditional medicine. Because if they do, their healthcare system will crash … all America got is this health care system. They don't have anything. So, if they say an African herb is working for this, they will lose patronage. You know our herbs cure, their own drug doesn't cure permanently. (Participant 23, female US)

This resonates with a recent study that shows how African migrants use indigenous medicine (Tshimpaka and Nshimbi 2023). With African herbs, some participants believed they would save a lot of money, be cured permanently and be stronger. In addition, some participants buy medicines, such as antibiotics (that may require a doctor’s prescription in the host country) from Nigeria before emigrating or when visiting the home country. However, several participants in this study still patronise the hospital and use traditional medicine as a support where necessary.

An argument can be made based on the quote from Participant 23, stated above. Like a few other participants and some Instagram users, this participant expressed an attachment to African medicine (Participant 23 referred to “our herbs”). With the perceived potency of African herbs, one may ask why migrants choose to remain in the host country instead of returning to Africa. An answer lies in the fact that many migrants prioritise employment and finance over health. Most interview participants migrated for economic reasons, including some who migrated via a study visa. While some participants (especially those in the UK) and Instagram users expressed preference for the Nigerian health system, all the participants agreed that the economy of their host country (especially the value of American dollars and British pounds) was much better than Nigeria’s. An Instagram user used a power emoji and referred to the British currency as “Uncle Pounds” to demonstrate its value and express why they would not leave the UK despite the disappointments.

With regards to coping with discrepancies in health, a notable difference was observed between participants in the US and the UK. Some participants and Instagram users in the UK fake the seriousness of their health condition to receive swift attention from the overburdened NHS doctors. When they call the NHS office, they falsely report symptoms that suggest that their health is in a critical condition and requires urgent attention (some Instagram users and participants in the UK reported having done this, but quotes from them are deliberately not presented in this study). This may be an implication of attending to patients based on the perceived seriousness of their case as opposed to on a first-come-first-served basis. In short, while many participants in the US avoid visiting the hospital because of the high cost of treatment, some from the UK want to visit the hospital because it is almost free, but there are barriers to accessing medical treatments.

As for the discrepancy in aesthetics, participants adopted a strategy similar to Chigeza and Roos’s (2011, 126) “regulation of self.” They internalised and accepted the existence of social and spatial inequalities in the host countries; they accepted the reality that no country is perfect. They frequent beautiful places—including areas with snow—to take pictures. Notably, some participants acknowledged that regardless of the environmental challenges facing the US or the UK, it is better than many affected places in Nigeria because of the differential attitudes of the government. Participants stated that, although their host country's government is not perfect, it is more people-centric and its promises are more reliable than the fraudulent Nigerian political class. Evidence of the distrust in the Nigerian system is the refusal of Nigerian students in Ukraine to be evacuated by the Nigerian government at the beginning of the Russian–Ukraine war (Olusoji 2022). In all, participants expressed that although their host country is not as glamorous as they expected, it has much better facilities, serenity and beautiful places than Nigeria.

Concerning sociality, some participants expressed that they are becoming more formal, embracing the impersonal lifestyles in the US and UK and minding their own business (Participants 1, 7, 8, 22, 28, 29, 31). Some use technology and social media platforms to maintain non-resident ties with families and friends and to receive social support, which reinforces the findings of earlier studies (Muswede and Sithole 2022; Rugunanan and Meyers 2022). Others have joined non-kin resident social networks, including religious and cultural associations, in the host country to keep up with other Nigerians in the host country (see Mutsindikwa and Gelderblom 2014). Some also joined non-resident networks on social media to keep up and familiarise themselves with their home country and culture (see Yue et al. 2013). Some Nigerian churches and Islamic associations have branches in the host countries, and some meet online weekly for praise, worship, support and sharing of relevant information. Some participants travel to Nigeria twice (or more) a year to attend owanbe. Examples include the notable visit-return migration of Nigerians during December for Christmas and during Eid-il-Adha for the Feast of Sacrifice, and to attend the Ojude Oba Festival in Ijebu, Ogun State, Nigeria. This reinforces the argument of earlier works on how transnational ties and participation in transnational activities serve as social capital (Alfred 2010; Lásticová 2014).

Conclusion

Young Nigerians have an increased urge to emigrate, and many are aiming at the US, UK and Canada for a better life. However, they seem to have an exaggerated view of life in the West (Mbah 2017). Despite the increasing number of social media platforms dedicated to sharing the experiences of African migrants in the West, many intending migrants in Nigeria are still not adequately aware of the economic, environmental and social terrains in the West.

This study has shown that Nigerian migrants have expectation–reality discrepancies in four major areas: employment or finance, health, aesthetics, and sociality. The most important thing for many migrants is an improvement in socioeconomic status (Moyo, Gumbo, and Nicolau 2018; Rynderman and Flynn 2016), which is reflected in the fact that discrepancies are mostly reported in finance or employment. Few Nigerians who had ascribed relations in the host country had knowledge of the new environment before they migrated. Many migrants did not know that finding a fitting job in the West would not be as easy as they thought it would. In addition, the West they saw in movies and the pictures of the West they saw on social media show only one side of the coin.

However, Nigerian migrants are quick to get over the disappointment and move on to face the reality in their host country. An important factor that motivates them to move on after the initial disappointment is that the economic and social systems in the host countries are more efficient, reliable and predictable than those in Nigeria. In the US and UK, Nigerian migrants get value for their money, and they see the results of their hard work. The outcome of the subjective comparisons of the situations at home and in the host country naturally serves as a reason to remain in the host country. The unpredictability of the Nigerian system was a reason many Nigerian migrants would stay in a country that was perceived as stable, where they could plan their future.

An American migrant who experienced disappointment in a less-developed country might decide to return home, all things being equal. In contrast, Nigerian migrants in the US may ignore the frustration and remain in the host country, thereby showing the role of citizenship and development differences between home and host countries in how migrants react to expectation–reality discrepancy. Being in the West is perceived as a privilege and marker of class by Nigerian migrants and their families in the home country. In addition, the economic development and stable system in the West make up for the disappointment in other areas and give Nigerian migrants reasons to stay. To be sure, the disappointment in employment, health and aesthetics does not arise because of problems in the host countries. It occurs because the migrants had exaggerated views of life in the West, leading to overblown pre-migration expectations.

Acknowledgements

Sincere appreciation goes to Zainab Olayinka for proofreading the initial draft of the manuscript.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 https://www.instagram.com/faithojone/.

2 https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2022-05-26/uk-loses-eu-nationals-in-a-year-of-brexit-and-pandemic-shocks.