ABSTRACT
Women's movements in Western democracies have a long history, yet there are few conclusions we can draw with confidence about their trajectories over the decades. In recent years, scholars have begun to use conceptual tools that allow for more valid and reliable comparison across a variety of temporal, sectoral, and cultural contexts. Such efforts are necessary to construct sound theory about women's movements, their characteristics, and their impacts. This article contributes to these ongoing efforts by further developing the concept of movement strength in terms of mobilization and institutionalization as a more promising way to compare variations in women's movement change. The analysis begins with current scholarship on women's movements as well as the concepts developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State (RNGS) project to offer a new and arguably more reliable and valid way of studying changes in movement strength. Using RNGS data on movements in 13 Western democracies, from the 1970s to the early 2000s, the article tracks degrees and patterns of mobilization and institutionalization and illustrates how this approach can add to the project of theorizing about women's movements as drivers and outcomes cross-nationally and over time.
Acknowledgements
In 2012, an initial version of this paper was presented at the ECPR workshop on “Thinking Big About Gender Equality,” prepared for delivery at the American Political Science Association meetings in 2012 and delivered at the Northwest Political Science Association Meetings. We would like to thank the members of the ECPR workshop for their helpful feedback as well as Pauline Stolz, Lahra Smith and Sandra Reineke who all served as discussants of the paper at the three conferences. We would also like to thank the various anonymous reviewers who have given us priceless suggestions as well as the editors of Politics Groups and Identities for deciding to make this piece an object of a research forum. Special thanks go to S. Laurel Weldon for her careful and crucial comments in the final stages of producing the article.
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes
1. Scholarship has recognized differences between women's movements and feminist movements (Beckwith Citation2000, Citation2013; Ferree and Mueller Citation2003; Htun and Weldon Citation2012). RNGS differentiated between the two based on discourse. This approach allows for studying variations in claims of movement actors cross-nationally and over time because there is no assumption of specific claims, for example regarding equal employment or prostitution; women's movement ideas can vary within the general guidelines of gendered, woman-focused discourse. But it also means that any particular women's movement actor could use feminist discourse in some situations and nonfeminist discourse in other situations. Such actors are women's movement actors, but only sometimes part of the feminist movement depending on the situation. This discourse-based approach makes it difficult to locate the feminist movement, that is, actors who exclusively use feminist discourse in public life. For the analysis of feminist actors in the RNGS study, see McBride and Mazur (Citation2010a, Chapter 6).
2. NSF grants no. 0084570/80 funded a portion of the research. Research teams formed in each of the 13 democracies in the study (North America and Western Europe). The RNGS research design spelled out the nominal and operational definitions of the key concepts in the study and the methods for individual researchers to gather the data in their countries. The RNGS process was marked by collaboration among researchers and all decisions were reached by consensus among the international group of feminist scholars. The unit of analysis in the study is the policy debate selected from five issue areas. Among the independent variables for explaining success or failure of movements and WPAs are characteristics of women's movements at the time of each debate. Some involve characteristics of women's movement actors involved in specific debates but others pertain to the characteristics of the movement as a whole. This article is based on the data collected on these movements as a whole. The specific data-set developed for this article is available on demand. For the RNGS project description, quantitative results – data-set, codebook, and text appendices in the RNGS data-set suite – and other project information, go to http://libarts.wsu.edu/pppa/rngs/. McBride and Mazur (Citation2010a) also cover the approach and final multimethod findings from the project.
3. For instance, Fábián (Citation2009), Ayers (Citation2004), Bustelo (Citation2009), Kim and Kim (Citation2011), Baldez (Citation2002), Lokar (Citation2007), Ortiz-Ortega and Barquet (Citation2010), Suh (Citation2011), Vélez-Vélez (Citation2010), Kumar (Citation1995), Molyneux (Citation1985), Katzenstein (Citation1998), Jenson (Citation1996), Grey (Citation2008b), Waylen (Citation2007b), Baker (Citation2008), Banaszak (Citation1996, Citation2010), Mackay (Citation2008), Bagiç (Citation2006), Chappell (Citation2002), Costain (Citation1992), Rosenfeld and Ward (Citation1996), Alvarez (Citation1999), Gelb and Shogan (Citation2005), Lepinard (Citation2010), Frohmann and Valdés (Citation1995).
4. Such studies include some early RNGS work: Haussman and Sauer (Citation2007), Lovenduski (Citation2005), Mazur (Citation2001), McBride Stetson (Citation2001), Outshoorn (Citation2004), along with Tripp et al. (Citation2009), Tripp (Citation2003), Grey and Sawer (Citation2008), Huber et al. (Citation2009), Threlfall (Citation1996), Kaplan (Citation1992), Roth (Citation2007), Grey (Citation2008a), Banaszak, Beckwith, and Rucht (Citation2003), Bull, Diamond, and Marsh (Citation2000), Dahlerup (Citation1986), Katzenstein and Mueller (Citation1987), Avdeyeva (Citation2009).
5. For example, Weldon (Citation2011 and Citation2002a), Waylen (Citation2007a), Hawkesworth (Citation2012), Baldez (Citation2003), Nelson and Chowdhury (Citation1994), Margolis (Citation1993), Basu (Citation1995), Lycklama à Nijeholt, Vargas, and Wieringa (Citation1998).
6. See for example, Keck and Sikkink (Citation1998), Murphy (Citation2005), Morgan (Citation2008), Ferree and Tripp (Citation2006), Naples and Desai (Citation2002), Smith (Citation2000), True (Citation2008), Eschle (Citation2001); Montoya (Citation2012) and Paxton, Hughes, and Green (Citation2006); Hughes et al. (Citation2014).
7. Some recent sectoral work includes: anti-sexual violence (Baker Citation2008; Frank, Hadinge, and Wosick-Correa Citation2009; Montoya Citation2012; Weldon Citation2011, Citation2002a; Zippel Citation2009; ), reproductive rights (Engeli Citation2009; Gelb and Shogan Citation2005; Munson Citation2008), cultural minorities and intersectionality, (Bustelo Citation2009; Lepinard Citation2010; Lombardo and Verloo Citation2009; Krizsan, Skeije, and Squires Citation2012; Sauer Citation2009; Verloo and Walby Citation2012); miners strikes ( Beckwith Citation2001; Vasi Citation2004), gender mainstreaming (Hafner-Burton and Pollack Citation2009; Kim and Kim Citation2011; True Citation2008); health (Grey Citation2008a); family (Kittelson Citation2008; Morgan Citation2009) and political representation (Celis Citation2009; Krook, Franceschet, and Piscopo Citation2012).
8. For more specifics on operational definitions see Appendix 1.
9. It is important to differentiate between this definition of institutionalization from ideas of individual bureaucrats who support movement goals (e.g., Banaszak Citation2010) or as staff in women's policy machineries (Bustelo Citation2009; Kim and Kim Citation2011; Lombardo and Verloo Citation2009) or broader ideas about feminist institutionalism (e.g. Krook Citation2010; Mackay and Waylen Citation2009). Some of the sociological research on the topic follows the RNGS approach of identifying women's movement actors as they move into formal institutions both inside and outside of the state (e.g., Andrew Citation2010; Suh Citation2011).
10. See Htun and Weldon (Citation2012) for a similar approach to periodization of the women's movement.
11. The five values were collapsed into 3:1 and 2 became 1; 3 became 2; 4 and 5 became 3.
12. The Chi Squares are flawed because the frequencies often below 5 are in the cells. We use them only to suggest propositions for further study.
13. Evidence for this assertion includes: dimensions of movement discourse and actors; focus on actors; careful definition of types of actors; dimensions of movement change as mobilization and institutionalization; careful operational definitions of structures of mobilization and institutionalization.
14. See McBride and Mazur (Citation2011) available at the RNGS website http://libarts.wsu.edu/pppa/rngs/ which addresses the conceptual steps necessary to adapt conceptual tools developed for Western democracies to other regions.
15. Although the core definition of the women's movements was to cover the activities of all women's movement actors as they represent the complexity of women.
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