The Madrid bombings and popular protest: misinformation, counter-information, mobilisation and elections after ‘11-M’

Abstract

This article analyses the ‘13-M’ flash mob protests following the 11-M terrorist bombings in Madrid and immediately preceding the Spanish General Elections of 14 March 2004. The Governing Popular Party's insistence that ETA were the main suspects, despite contradictory evidence, led to a widespread perception that they were deliberately misleading the public for electoral purposes. This sparked the indignation and mobilisation of thousands of citizens on 13 March, in an illegal unprecedented ‘flash mob’ protest. Contrary to the two main explanations in the literature, I argue that the 13-M protests were neither purely spontaneous manifestations of public opinion, nor the result of Socialist Party machinations. Autonomous social movement activists used cell phones and the internet to mobilise previously established networks for a protest that quickly spread as critiques and demands they were making resonated with an important segment of public opinion. Drawing on ethnographic, primary and secondary data, this analysis provides an inside look at the mobilising structures and motives behind an important protest and adds to our understanding of political flash mobs in the 21st century.

Acknowledgements

The author is grateful to Celia Valiente for her comments on an original draft of this article, written in 2004. Thanks also to John Drury, Laurence Cox, and the anonymous reviewers for their feedback and suggestions. This research was supported by the German Marshall Fund and the John L. Simpson Foundation.

Notes

Michavila (2005) argues that in fact a confluence of a latent desire for a change in government, the emotional response caused by the attacks, a punishment of the government for their involvement in Iraq and the reinforcement of these factors by the manipulation of information by both the government and against the government account for the vote. For a journalistic chronicle of the government's contradictions in information provided following the bombings, see Magán (2004).

This is a very brief account. For hour-by-hour coverage of Cadena SER during these days, including Popular Party Minister of the Interior Acebes' statements, see http://www.cadenaser.com/static/especiales/2005/sonidos11_14/index.html/. For frame analysis of government and opposition messages as transmitted through the media, see Olmeda (2005). For a detailed analysis of the government and media responses to the bombings during this three-day period, see Sampedro et al. (2005).

I was working at a conference at the Universidad Complutense, Madrid, on the morning of the bombings. That morning's speaker was an expert on ETA terrorism, and he made all of these observations at 9 a.m. on 11 March 2004.

For a full analysis of the changes in mass media coverage over this period, see Sampedro et al. (2005).

The acute division in public opinion over responsibility for the bombings reflects the deep left–right cleavage in Spain.

The Prestige was an oil tanker that spilled fuel off the coast of Galicia in November 2002. The PP was harshly criticised in some sectors for their slow response and poor handling of the spill, which sparked a powerful social movement campaign called Nunca mais (Never Again).

The original expression is ‘de rositas’, which means to be in an advantageous position, or to be ‘off the hook’, to ‘get away with’ something, and not to have to pay for your crimes. In this case Aznar's ‘crimes’ can mean supporting the Invasion of Iraq against the will of the overwhelming majority of Spaniards (86–91%), or deliberately misleading the public as to the perpetrators of 11-M.

Urdaci was Director of TVE, Channel 1. News directors of public television are generally considered to be handpicked by the ruling government and partial to whichever party is currently in office. Urdaci was no exception, and under his direction there have been complaints and protests by reporters that they are unable to report the news faithfully, especially regarding Iraqi War coverage and the Prestige disaster. An action was brought against TVE for deliberately misleading the public during the coverage of the general strike of 20 June 2003. The judge ruled against TVE, and they had to broadcast an apology. The line ‘they call it a day of reflection and Urdaci is working?’ refers to the fact that no political propaganda is legal the day before the election, and if he is reading the ‘news’ he is in violation of the law since he supposedly engages in propaganda for the PP.

Some versions said: In silence for the truth. Later more messages were sent round. One read: Information intoxication. Al-Qaeda claims responsibility in Arab media. The government denies it. Pass it on.

Estimates from police, media and activist sources.

Two identical 1 minute 35 second segments were aired on TVE Channel 1, considered to be most favourable to the PP, and Channel 5, more critical of the PP, aired one 3 minute 9 second segment.

Many of these rhyme in Spanish, and many are sung to popular tunes.

ZP is President Zapatero's nickname.

Anon. (2004).

The protests are also a direct response to the economic crisis in Spain and the perceived lack of leadership in addressing its consequences. The multiple manifestos circulated by the protesters show a clear anti-capitalist or anti-neo-liberal orientation (for example, http://www.democraciarealya.es/).

Hermanns (2008) shows that flash mobs can have constructive or destructive consequences, as with the case of Thai opposition in 2006 that brought down the government and led to a military coup.