Understanding coach-athlete conflict: an ethnodrama to illustrate conflict in elite sport

ABSTRACT

The purpose of this article is to gain greater understanding of interpersonal conflict between managers and players within an elite team sport environment. We consider conflict from multiple perspectives, and disseminate findings in an accessible way to encourage those involved in team sport to engage with the material. Through the adoption of a narrative inquiry approach, autobiographical extracts recalling incidences of conflict from a manager (Sir Alex Ferguson) and certain key players (e.g. David Beckham) have been analysed using reflexive thematic analysis, with finding presented through the mean of ethnodrama scenes. Such scenes were developed as a dialogue between Ferguson and his players, to illustrate the episodes of conflict through the eyes of both the players and Ferguson, with creative non-fiction techniques used to further bring the script to life. These scripts reflect the differences in the interpretation of the same conflict situations and allow the reader to reflect on the determinants of these conflicts, and the resulting consequences. It is hoped that the ethnodrama enhances further understanding of leader-athlete conflict in elite sport, through illustrating examples of conflict from different perspectives. In addition, the findings provide a stimulus for those working in sports teams to reflect on their own experiences of conflict and consider how such conflict might be prevented or managed.

KEYWORDS:

• Interpersonal conflict
• creative analytical practices
• ethnodrama
• knowledge transfer
• reflection

Introduction

In elite-level sport, where stakes are high and outcomes are unpredictable, conflict is likely to occur. This is due to the resultant heightening of emotions, which means interactions may become challenging and conflict can be provoked (Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood 2017). Such interpersonal conflict has been shown to have a range of negative consequences, such as increased stress levels in both athletes and coaches (e.g. Fletcher et al. 2012; Olusoga et al. 2009) and in certain situations, can even lead to coaches quitting sport (e.g. Olusoga et al. 2010). Furthermore, conflict can have a negative impact on team dynamics, with conflict between coaches and athletes creating intra-team rivalry and power struggles (e.g. Holt, Knight, and Zukiwsk 2012; Kristiansen et al. 2012). In light of this likelihood of conflict occurring, and the potential negative consequences, it is important to expand our understanding of interpersonal conflict in teams. Jowett (2003) highlighted the most common interpersonal relationship in a sporting encounter being the leader-athlete relationship, however, limited research has directly examined conflict between a leader and their athletes in a team sport environment (e.g. Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood 2018a) . Therefore, the current study aims to examine specific instances of conflict that can occur in an elite team sport environment, considering this from the perspectives of both the leader and the players.

Various researchers have examined conflict between individuals in a team environment (e.g. Mellalieu, Shearer, and Shearer 2013; Paradis, Carron, and Martin 2014; Leo et al. 2015). Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2017) defined interpersonal conflict as ‘a situation in which relationship partners perceive a disagreement about, for example, values, needs, opinions, or objectives that is manifested through negative cognitive, affective, and behavioural reactions’ (p.88). They also proposed that interpersonal conflict is influenced by the social and cultural context within which it occurs, and in the current study, we focus on interpersonal conflict at the elite level of professional football. Researchers have explored interpersonal conflict in team environments, for example, Mellalieu et al.’s work examining interpersonal conflict during major sport competitions. Results indicated that athletes and coaches were those most likely to be involved in conflict, and this conflict often occurred due to communication breakdowns or power struggles. Mellalieu et al. also highlighted how such conflict had a primarily negative impact on emotions, cognitions, and performance. These findings were supported by Partridge and Knapp (2016), who found conflict resulted in reduced team cohesion, increased competitive anxiety levels, and other negative emotional outcomes. Further research in a team environment has found conflict can manifest itself in several ways, including disagreements, negative emotions, and antagonistic behaviours (Paradis, Carron, and Martin 2014), and that higher levels of intragroup conflict can result in lower levels of collective efficacy (Leo et al. 2015). Taken together, these finding illustrate a range of negative outcomes associated with conflict that can occur in a team environment.

As part of their review of the literature that has examined conflict, Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2017) subsequently developed a conceptual framework of interpersonal conflict in sport relationships to explain both athlete-athlete (i.e. peer conflict) and coach-athlete conflict. This framework firstly proposes a variety of conflict determinants, which include intrapersonal factors (e.g. gender, personality, passion), interpersonal factors (e.g. communication, group unity and co-operation), and external factors (e.g. team selection). Central to the framework is the nature of the conflict, including the content (i.e. the cognitions, emotions, and behaviours of those involved in the conflict), and how this conflict can be described, in terms of the duration, frequency and intensity of the conflict. Furthermore, in this part of the framework, the authors highlight how leaders might adopt successful or unsuccessful strategies to prevent or manage conflict. Finally, the framework outlines the consequences of conflict, including intrapersonal (e.g. worry, frustration, withdrawal), interpersonal (i.e. relationship deterioration), and performance consequences.

While there is much literature in the sport psychology domain focussing on interpersonal dynamics between leaders and athletes (e.g. through theoretical models and frameworks), limited research has directly focussed on interpersonal conflict within these relationships. In light of this, Wachsmuth and colleagues ended their review with a call for further research to investigate interpersonal conflict. Specifically, Wachsmuth et al. suggested focussing on four specific areas. First, in terms of the sources of conflict, they highlighted the need to consider such sources more fully, for example, whether sources are similar involving sports of different gender or level of ability. Second, they suggested considering the conflict process itself, and how instances of conflict are perceived by both leaders and athletes. Third, they called for researchers to consider strategies to effectively prevent,manage and resolve instances of conflict. Fourth, they suggested the need to understand further what the outcomes of such conflict are and how conflict impacts on relationships between leaders and athletes. Subsequently, and guided by this conceptual framework, Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2018a) interviewed a range of high-performance coaches and athletes to explore perceptions of conflict that can occur in this relationship. Findings showed coaches and athletes reported a greater number of task conflicts, compared to social conflicts, and that outcomes of conflict included emotional (e.g. anger), cognitive (e.g. blame), and behavioural (e.g. shouting responses). In a further manuscript reporting data from the same sample of coaches and athletes, Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2018b) explored the participants’ perceptions of strategies to effectively prevent and/or manage such conflict. These findings illustrated implicit preventions strategies, and explicit strategies, such as active conflict prevention. While the work by Wachsmuth and colleagues offers an initial understanding of leader-athlete conflict in sport, they conclude their review with the claim that if conflict is not dealt with properly and constructively, this represents a risk to relationships in a sporting environment, and therefore further research is needed to more fully understand such interpersonal conflict. .

An effective way to examine psychosocial processes such as conflict is through narrative inquiry, a psychosocial approach that focusses on stories to understand more about psychological implications of issues occurring in a sporting context (Papathomas 2016). Stories are the key feature of narrative inquiry as people tell and use stories to make meaning and sense of ‘who they are’ (Frank 2010). Researchers have used narrative inquiry to explore various psychological and sociological issues, for example, the experiences of men paralysed through sport (e.g. Smith and Sparkes 2005), the darker side of competitive sport (e.g. Carless and Douglas 2009), and disordered eating (e.g. Busanich, McGannon, and Schinke 2014). However, while such studies have highlighted the effectiveness of narrative inquiry in exploring individual accounts, such an approach has not been adopted to examine interactions between those who operate in a team environment. Using narrative inquiry allows us to explore stories people tell about their experiences of conflict, and how they make sense of this occurring. Therefore, narrative inquiry provides an effective approach to examine team conflict as stories can offer detailed accounts of psychosocial processes relating to interpersonal conflict that can occur between individuals.

Autobiographies are one form of relational self-story that, when grounded in narrative inquiry, provide a resource that allows us to understand more about life experiences over time (Pipkin 2008). An increasing number of researchers have used narrative inquiry and autobiography to offer analytical and applied insights in a sporting context. For example, Howells and Fletcher (2015) explored adversity and growth experiences from the autobiographies of eight elite swimmers, and McGannon and McMahon (2019) analysed the autobiographies of two elite female swimmers to develop understanding of gendered disordered eating, and presented relational narratives that aimed to facilitate female athletes’ recovery. In the current study, we build on this literature that has used narrative inquiry and autobiography to examine conflict within teams. Sparkes and Stewart (2016) highlight the value of autobiographies that allow exploration of the ‘constant interplay between agency and structure in the autobiographical act as a bio-social process that is readily available for analysis’. (pg. 7). Conflict is an example of such ‘constant interplay’ that occurs in a team environment and autobiographies therefore have great potential in illustrating conflict in an elite environment, a context which is otherwise difficult to access (Sparkes and Stewart 2016). In addition, much research exploring conflict has focussed on single perspectives of the nature of conflict. In the current study, we analyse the same instances of conflict from the perspective of both players and their leader, which using multiple autobiographies allows us to do. Furthermore, we present these findings as an ethnodrama, a creative way to present these contrasting perspectives of conflict.

Dissemination of research findings can often be neglected by the very applied audience which they are aimed at (Pope et al. 2015), and to address this issue, we present the findings as an ethnodrama. Papathomas (2016) highlights an innovative development in narrative inquiry has been to also assume the role of a story-teller, to deliver emotive, personal accounts of sensitive, culturally situated experiences. In the current study, we use autobiographical data to develop an ethnodrama, which is a novel approach that builds on previous research using creative non-fiction approaches (e.g. Cavallerio, Wadey, and Wagstaff 2016; McMahon, McGannon, and Zehntner 2017). While autobiographies offer readers an interpretation of conflict from a single perspective, ethnodrama allows a representation of the psychosocial processes of conflict by directly illustrating the interactions between relational partners involved in the conflict. Indeed, Sparkes and Stewart (2016) highlight how autobiographies focus on the personal truth of the writer. Ethnodrama can combine these personal truths and differing perspectives of conflict into a composite story, which a reader is not able to get from reading a single autobiography. Furthermore, McMahon (2016) proposes that such creative forms of representation can show layers of lived experiences, emotion, and theory in the findings, and we aim to illustrate the lived experiences of those who experience conflict, revealing the emotions of differing individuals within a team who are involved in conflict. Recently, Cavallerio, Wadey, and Wagstaff (2021) examined gymnasts suffering from overuse injuries, and presented findings as an ethnodrama, illustrating the differing perspectives of parents in response to the injuries their children suffered. Ethnodrama enables disseminatation of findings concerning complex psychosocial interactions, and in the current study, it allows us to combine different perspectives of conflict in one compelling story, allowing the reader to develop empathy and understanding of such different viewpoints.

In summary, our research aims to enhance understanding of conflict in three specific ways. First, we use narrative inquiry and autobiography to build on existing literature on conflict (e.g. Mellalieu, Shearer, and Shearer 2013; Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood 2018a) to explore specific examples of conflict in an elite environment. Second, we present perspectives conflict from differing viewpoints, thus addressing Wachsmuth et al.’s call for further research into coach-athlete conflict, by illustrating antecedents and outcomes of this conflict for both a sporting leader and their players. Third, we present results in an ethnodrama to provide an accessible, resonant way for practitioners (e.g. coaches, players, sport psychologists) to learn from situations of conflict and consider the causes and outcomes of such conflict.

Method

Design

This study uses narrative inquiry, which Papathomas (2016) highlights is underpinned by ontological relativism and epistemological social constructionism. A relative perspective considers a psychosocial reality that is multiple, malleable, and mind-dependent, and social constructionism suggests knowledge is constructed through relational interactions rather than something that is objectively observed or found. Our approach involved accessing autobiographical data, using creative analytical practices (CAP) in the analysis and presentation of the data. The use of autobiographical data fits in well with this underpinning epistemological position. As Smith and Watson (2010) explain, when considering truth, autobiographical truth is a different matter; it is an intersubjective exchange between narrator and reader aimed at producing a shared understanding of the meaning of a life. We also acknowledge that the knowledge about conflict in the current study is constructed through the authors' interaction with the autobiographical data, the subsequent analysis, and presenting the findings.

We used ethnodrama (a written CAP, communicating the results of material as a written play or theatrical script) to present the data. This script included dialogue between the leader and their athletes, with the dialogue taken from their autobiographies when they recalled instances of conflict. In addition, data from other players’ autobiographies was used to enhance the dialogue, and provide further perspectives. Ethnodrama was considered the most appropriate form of representation as it allowed us to combine different perspectives (i.e. of leaders and athletes), in one compelling story. To further supplement the development of the ethnodrama, we used creative non-fiction techniques to set the scene and to provide a context for the dialogue (Cavallerio, Wadey, and Wagstaff 2016; Gutkind 2012).

The case

In order to examine conflict between a coach and his players in an elite sport environment, we focused this study on the career of Sir Alex Ferguson, the most successful football manager in the UK. Numerous players who played under Ferguson’s management have written autobiographies, and in many cases, they spoke in detail about conflict they experienced with Ferguson. Furthermore, Ferguson himself wrote two autobiographies that documented his time in football management, which covered (often in great depth) much of the conflict he experienced with his players. Thus, with this data being available in published autobiographies, this was a suitable case to allow us to explore and understand conflict in an elite team environment.

Ethnodrama: setting the scene

A number of researchers have addressed Papathomas’s (2016) call for innovative development in narrative inquiry, by taking the role of a story-teller in presenting findings. For example, Dean (2019) provides and autoethnographic account to tell the story of his personal experiences of sport-related concussion. In addition to this biographically-linked storytelling, researchers have used creative analytic practices (CAP) to present results in an innovative, accessible way. Cavallerio, Wadey, and Wagstaff (2016) presented two creative non-fiction stories in developing an understanding of injuries in young elite gymnasts, and Cassidy, Kidman, and Dudfield (2015) used interview data to develop an ethnodrama to illustrate coach development processes. Also using ethnodrama, McMahon, McGannon, and Zehntner (2017) explored three elite swimmers’ presentation of self, drawing on data from visual images of the swimmers (e.g. on Twitter or Instagram), direct quotes the swimmers made to the media, and auto-ethnographical data from one of the participants. We used similar creative analytical practices to present results in the current study, using ethnodrama to present results in a written script format.

There are several reasons for which the authors decided to adopt ethnodrama as a way to present the findings from this study. Firstly, such a multimodal format of presenting the results increases the likelihood that these results will reach a greater diversity of audience (McMahon, McGannon, and Zehntner 2017), allowing applied practitioners (e.g. coaches and other sporting leaders) to engage fully with the conflict situations presented. Such an engagement would be unlikely through the use of more traditional academic media and is considered a strength of the use of creative analytical practices (Smith, McGannon, and Williams 2015). Second, Sparkes and Smith (2014) offer further support for the use of such creative processes, saying they might be used to present findings in a thought-provoking way, and allow both the researchers and the audience to analyse and understand data in different ways. Finally, ethnodrama allowed a script to be developed that illustrates perceptions of conflict from differing perspectives, principally the divergent perspectives of the key ‘characters’ involved in the conflict. Indeed, Smith and Sparkes (2009) highlight how ethnodrama is focussed on formatting real-life encounters into short scenes, thus, communicating the research in a way that is faithful to the lived experience. Therefore, ethnodrama was deemed an appropriate way to present the conflict experiences between a manager and his players, using short scenes to illuminate different examples of conflict with various players.

How material was collected

First, the authors read the autobiographies of players who played for Ferguson during his management career. In total, 34 books were read (see supplementary file for information about the players). Taking Wachsmuth at el.’s definition of intrapersonal conflict (i.e. “relationship partners perceiving a disagreement about, for example, values, needs, opinions), any instances of conflict (e.g. where there was a clear disagreement) between the player and Ferguson that the player had written about was highlighted and recorded in a separate file. For example, disagreements between Ferguson and Sharpe over various aspects of the player’s conduct and lifestyle was a clear example of conflict. Next, the two autobiographies of Alex Ferguson (‘Managing my Life’, 2001; ‘Alex Ferguson, my Autobiography’, 2013) were read. The passages where Ferguson recalled conflict between himself and the players was also recorded in a separate file. These two files were compared to highlight direct examples of conflict that both Ferguson and the player illustrated in their autobiographies. In this process, a number of examples of conflict were discarded as only one side of the story was presented. This process resulted in eight clear examples of conflict experienced between Ferguson and eight different players. In order to create a manageable (i.e. not overly long script), and to avoid repetition (e.g. having two examples of conflict based around de-selection), three examples of conflict were selected to develop the final script, which were the most distinct examples of conflict and also the ones other players had most commented on. The following section provides brief details of the ‘cast’ of those involved in these chosen conflict examples, and offers an overview of the conflict that occured.

The cast

Sir Alex Ferguson

The manager. He had spells in management at three Scottish sides between 1974 and 1986 (East Stirlingshire, St Mirren, Aberdeen), before managing Manchester United (hereon in shortened to Man Utd) for 27 years (1986–2013). He is regarded as the most successful manager in UK football, winning a total of 49 trophies for the sides he managed.

Jim Leighton

A goalkeeper who played for Ferguson at Aberdeen, and then Ferguson bought him to Man Utd in 1988. In the FA Cup Final in 1990, the result was a draw (3–3) and Ferguson decided to drop Leighton from the team for the replay. The conflict between Ferguson and Leighton principally resulted from this decision.

Lee Sharpe

A left-winger who was transferred to Man Utd in 1990 when he was 17 years old. Ferguson disapproved of various behaviours Sharpe exhibited, including the lifestyle that he perceived Sharpe to live. The conflict between the two was potentially due to Ferguson’s efforts to get Sharpe to develop a more professional approach, and Sharpe’s unhappiness about the way Ferguson treated him. This included a particular incident where Sharpe and fellow player Ryan Giggs were having a house party, and Ferguson heard about the party and turned up to deal with the situation.

David Beckham

A midfielder, who joined Man Utd as a youth player in 1991 at the age of 16. Beckham met and subsequently married a pop star, and Ferguson appeared to disprove of such a celebrity lifestyle. Instances of conflict included the fallout from Beckham missing a training session (when Beckham's son was ill), an argument at half-time where Ferguson blamed Beckham for a goal being scored, and the subsequent transfer of Beckham to Real Madrid.

After deciding on these areas of conflict to focus on, the first author went back to all the autobiographies and looked at any comments other players had made about the conflict. These comments were also added to the data set to help create and further enhance the dialogue. This added a variety of minor characters to the cast (e.g. Ryan Giggs, Rio Ferdinand, Gary Neville), which aimed to further enhance the authenticity and flow of the dialogue (i.e. more than just dialogue between the player and Ferguson), as well as providing further alternate perspectives on the conflict that occurred.

Data analysis, representation, and judging quality

These stories of conflict taken from the autobiographies were read and re-read, firstly from the standpoint of a story analyst. A reflexive thematic analysis was conducted to interpret the themes in the stories these ‘characters’ told (Braun and Clarke 2019) in order to identify patterns across the conflict stories. Following this, the first author developed the ethnodrama, taking on the role of the ‘storyteller’ by linking together the data about the instances of conflict in an explanatory way (Dowling 2012). Key sections from the autobiographies were merged through a creative writing process that involved fitting the extracts together to create one compelling and coherent script as if a conversation was occurring between the individuals about the conflict previously experienced. Next, we worked with two experts in script-writing, to create multiple iterations. This process of editing and amending also increased the conciseness of the dialogue, enhancing the script as an authentic sounding dialogical piece. However, in the editing process, those involved were conscious of maintaining the same meaning of the words written in the autobiographies to stay true to the meaning conveyed. Other editing included altering the tense, and replacing names with pronouns, so that the dialogue would be more realistic with people actually speaking together.

Dowling (2012) suggests that in developing the story, events and actions are drawn together by an appropriate plot that links incidents together and allows the characters to be introduced appropriately. Thus, drawing on creative non-fiction techniques, we aimed to bring these discussions to life by developing an appropriate plot, based around setting the dialogue in an appropriate context where a fictional conversation between Ferguson and his players might take place. A final decision was made to set such discussions in a changing room, based around a testimonial match. In addition, a ‘prologue’ (i.e. the players coming into the changing rooms before the match) was added to provide ‘contextual framing’ for the scenes to follow and an ‘epilogue’ (i.e. key characters offering summary reflections of their conflict experiences) was added to bring the script to an appropriate reflective conclusion (Saldaña 2003). A further scene was developed to consider the conflict more generally between Ferguson and his teams, through the illustrations of conflict at half-time, which helped to further introduce the characters, and the conflict that had occurred in this environment.

Based on Sparkes and Douglas (2007) guidelines, various criteria might assist readers in the judgment of this study. The ethnodrama presented in the results is a product of a process which involved extracts from autobiography texts being collated and presented in a coherent manner. Consequently, do these stories provide the reader with a meaningful picture of conflict experiences? Are they plausible and credible in the way they represent the different perspectives of conflict? From a practical/applied perspective, are the stories readable and accessible to an applied audience? As for the contribution of the study to the literature, do the stories advance our understanding of the conflict process? Readers are invited to approach the following portrayal of conflict from different perspectives with such questions in mind. For both the leaders of sports teams, and athletes who play in a team environment, do the stories resonate with their experiences of conflict, do they invite dialogue and reflection, and is awareness raised about conflict including a greater understanding of how others experience conflict?

Results

Act 1: (Prologue)

Players enter the changing room at Old Trafford (Man United’s home ground). They stand, chatting to each other, shaking hands, and enjoying catching up with old colleagues and friends. The players are doing the last bits to get ready for the testimonial match when Ferguson enters the changing room and the players sit down. Ferguson welcomes the players.

Ferguson: It’s amazing to have everyone back together playing here at Old Trafford. The best compliment I can give you, apart from a great team, you’ve turned out great guys. You’ve done really well, all of you.

Anyway, you know the team for tonight:

Jim, in goal. Defence is Gaz, Rio, Pally, and Dennis. Midfielders: Becks, Roy, Robbo, and Sharpey. And up front, Ryan … . You can ghost about … and Sparky. Eh, that would have been some team to have when you were all in your prime.

(players laugh).

Anybody, any comments? (pause) This is interesting, how many times did I ever say to you: anybody have anything to say? Not once did anybody say anything. Not once … I gave you the last chance.

Neville: We were usually asleep!

(laughter all round).

Ferguson:

(laughing, cheerful)

An arrow to my heart …

Well, have a decent warm up and don’t lose it, don’t bloody lose it. (Ferguson says this seriously, pauses for a couple of seconds, and then breaks out into a broad smile)

Only joking boys – all about fun today – over 60,000 people out there looking forward to seeing you again, now go out and put on a show.

(Players clap and exit changing room).

Act 2: (Half time)

(Players re-enter changing room, slightly out of breath mud on their skin and kit, generally happy and upbeat. Ferguson follows them in. Players pick up drinks bottles from a table and sit in their places, talking each other about the first half).

Ferguson: (With a cheerful tone)

Decent first half lads, played some great stuff, but some shoddy defending for that goal.

Leighton: (quite light-hearted, but with a tinge of bitterness)

Don’t start gaffer – it’s not going to be like the old days.

Beckham: Yeah, you’re not going to get the hairdryer out, are you?

(players laugh).

Ferguson: Nah, don’t worry, those days are long gone.

Sharpe: Gaffer, I’ve never seen another manager rage like you used to do in the changing room.

Neville: Remember the clash between the boss and Ince at Norwich at half-time. Ince was getting the hair-dryer treatment for what the manager thought was a poor first half performance. We were all wincing in our seats when Ince bit back.

Sharpe: Ince even threatened he’d never play for Man United again. Kidd acted as the referee. He always stepped in. In the second half, Ince was a revelation and was comfortably our best player.

Cole: There was another game at Anfield where you really laid into Incey. You accused him of failing to carry out an instruction, and that had allowed Jamie Redknapp to score. You went absolutely ballistic!

Ferguson: There’s not a more bitter rivalry in World Football than that of Liverpool and Man United, it was always intense. I never wanted to lose to ‘em! Don’t forget lads, I was the first to congratulate him. I respect a different point of view.

Stam: Remember the treble season? We were drawing at Sheffield and I knew that a bollocking was on the cards. But I didn’t expect the gaffer to lose his cool to such an extent that he nearly wiped out my season. ‘That is the biggest load of shite I’ve ever seen’ you said. I thought you were going to explode!

Beckham: Oh yeah, you lashed out at that treatment table and it went flying towards Stam. Good thing he pulled his feet back and stuck his hands over his bollocks.

Strachan: One of my personal favourites was your rant at Peter Barnes. He knew he hadn’t played well so knew you were going to have a go at him. The first question you asked when he came in was: ‘where is that Barnes?’ Who was it that replied ‘He must be in the bath’?

Ferguson: I remember that (laughing). I checked the bath area, but the bastard wasn’t there.

Strachan: It was hilarious watching Fergie leave the room and a dripping wet Barnsey appearing in towels. He was in the bath the whole time, hiding from Fergie under the water.

(Players laugh).

Pallister: At one instance you would be taking charge of some mammoth match under the world spotlight, at another you would be chucking your cards like a bad-tempered brat.

Robson: Good thing it all remained in the dressing room. In public we knew you’d always have our backs.

Ferguson: The club stood by me. You players stood by me. And now, today, I can enjoy watching you play, rather than suffering with you.

(players smile and nod).

Okay, time to get out there boys. Go and enjoy this second half.

(Players cheer, break into chatter and file out the changing room).

Act 3: (After the game)

The players are sitting on the benches in the changing room after the match, talking about the game. Some have boots off, kit is strewn around the area. A player gets up and starts handing out beers.

Act 3, Part 1

Beckham: Good game lads

(clapping from the players).

Feels good to be back out on the field with you lot.

Giggs : What a luxury for the Gaffer to let us have a pint after the match.

Ferguson: Well, you deserve it after the effort you put in.

Sharpe: You’d never have let us have beer in the old days. It felt like you’d have preferred it if players didn’t drink at all, spend their days off playing golf and tucked in bed at 9.45.

Giggs: That’s true – Remember after the West Ham game, when we went back to Lee’s house for a few. We were planning to go to a nightclub, but you turned up all dressed for dinner.

Sharpe: You got everybody out of the house except Giggsy and me. Then you gave us the grandfather of all hairdryers. It was industrial strength!

Giggs: You absolutely slaughtered him, just ripped him to shreds. You were so angry I really thought you were going to hit him.

Ferguson: (looking at Sharpe)

The reason my anger was more directed at you than Ryan was because I was keen to educate young players about how damaging drinking could be.

Giggs: I’m sure that’s partly why so many good lads came through the system at United.

Sharpe: Perhaps Iwas a bit out of order, but it wasn’t a breach of club rules. Bursting into my house was counter-productive, and I resented it.

GIggs: Lee, you always liked a night out! Wasn’t the only time the Gaffer laid into you though? The gaffer knew what he was doing, and he ran out of patience with you in the end. Remember when he had a go at you after that hat trick at Arsenal?

Sharpe: (Looking at Ferguson)

You called me into the office, and you said; ‘What’s all this rubbish I’m seeing in the papers?’

You said, ‘I don’t know who the fucking hell you think you are! Get your feet back on the floor! I didn’t say you could do those interviews’.

Ferguson: Yeah! Your off-field behaviour had been worrying me for a while.

Sharpe: (Interrupting Ferguson, with anger in his voice)

… ‘Who gave you fucking permission?’ you said to me.

There was nothing to say that I’d done well. You were just straight into bollocking. You should have just said keep your feet on the ground and concentrate on your game. I wished you could have said something encouraging after that performance.

Ferguson: The thing is Lee, you had a chance of making it big. You had everything a wide attacking player needed to be successful in top-flight football.

Sharpe: I’m not saying you didn’t have a point. If you thought I might have let success go to my head, I’d have accepted it. I felt you could have sat me down, talked to me man to man. Instead, I felt crushed, like a naughty schoolboy.

Robson: The fact is that we all knew what the gaffer was like and where we stood with him.

Sharpe: (roles eyes at Robson)

Thing is, the weekend after the Arsenal game, I’d scored the winner in a 1–0 win at Everton.

(now looking at Ferguson)

You stormed right up to me and leaned right in my face: ‘Who the fucking hell do you think you are?’ You were complaining about my celebration after I scored. Yeah, I did a bit of a dance when I scored the winner. Was that not allowed?

Robson: Lee, you’ve tried to make out that the boss victimised you and ruined your career, yet there were times when you were unprofessional.

Act 3, Part 2

Sharpe: (looking at Ferguson)

Yeah but what about Eric? You indulged him; pissed me right off. Remember when you came straight at me about that suit I was wearing? I looked over at Eric – collar wide open, no tie, and a pair of bright red Nike trainers.

Neville: (Smiling to another player)

I remember, Eric wandering in wearing that bloody denim jacket and Fergie just shook his head and smiled.

Beckham: Eric was special, though. The gaffer knew that and so did all the players. We never resented him being treated differently to the rest of us. You hear people saying Fergie tailored his management to individual needs?

Leighton: (More confrontationally)

No! I think Sharpey has a point! We didn’t always get the fair treatment that Eric did …

Ferguson: (Turning with surprise to look at Leighton)

Leighton: And what do you mean by that?

You’ve had more than your fair share of a ruthless streak. Even now I have to steel myself to talk about what a nightmare you thrust me into in the 1990 [FA] Cup Final.

Ferguson: There was a major worry about your form, Jim. When we headed into the semi-final of the FA cup in ‘90 with Oldham Athletic, you had lost confidence and your decision-making had become suspect. It ended 3-all, and although you didn’t commit any spectacular blunders, you might have done more to prevent two of Oldham’s goals.

Leighton: After that game, there was talk of your head being on the block. What I didn’t know was that you were planning to bring down the axe on me!

Ferguson: In the dressing-room after that game, I noticed you had your head in your hands. You were absolutely shattered. I went over and gave you a pat but got nothing from you. I felt for you, but the decision was already forming in my mind. There was really only one question to be answered: would Manchester United have a better chance of winning the Cup with or without Jim Leighton?

Robson: Jim, you did have a bit of a bad game but none of us had any idea what the Gaffer was planning. (looking to Ferguson) It was about the first time we saw how professional and ruthless you were. The press said it was the most monumental gamble of your career, but you knew what you were doing.

Ferguson: Look Jim, my regard for you as a person did not come into it. My respect for the club and supporters meant I had to decide which would benefit Manchester United.

Pallister: It was a tough choice. Don’t think it’s one I could have made.

Ferguson: I remember breaking the news about letting you go the night before. You took it very badly. I felt so sorry for you.

You told me I was out of your Wembley line-up and that Les Sealey would be taking my place! I can’t remember exactly what else was said because I was just numb after the decision.

Pallister: Well, as it turned out, Les had a great game, and we won! So, I suppose what you did was right for Manchester United.

Robson: We all felt for you, Jim. But based on the outcome, you have to say the gaffer got it right. It’s all about the result.

Ferguson: Yeah but the headlines the next morning were varied, with some accusing me of betraying you. That allegation has hung in the air over the years (pause).

In a way, you’ve been glorified because of it. My view is very different. To those who see you as a victim and me as a villain, if we had lost the cup final, and I had lost my job, would you have felt guilty? To put it bluntly, I think you were selfish. As far as I’m aware, not once did you hold your hands up and take any blame. No, it was all my fault.

Leighton: (Angrily)

I could have made a fortune out of selling my side of the story in the wake of your decision! Instead I chose to turn down every offer. That doesn’t sound very selfish to me!

Ferguson: (Calmly but sternly)

We’re all open to criticism, but you have not behaved as if you accept that. I profoundly regret that we fell out the way we did but I have no remorse.

Pallister: (Trying to diffuse the situation)

I think you wanted him to stay, but Jim, you were just so destroyed by what had happened; you had to go.

Leighton: And that signalled the end of my career with your club. I can’t forgive you. What also pissed me off was your lack of support both before and after that event. You cut yourself off from me and never offered any encouragement.

Ferguson: I did my best to reconnect with you during the World Cup in ‘90, but you never responded.

Leighton: (Muttering under his breath)

Well, there is no hope in hell of that friendship ever being revived.

Act 3, Part 3

A silence comes over the room. Leighton bows his head. A Ferguson stands there, looking a little sad.

Beckham: Yeah, I do agree with Lee and Jim, you were good at adapting your management style to the team but I’m going to be honest, you never really did it for me.

Ferguson: (Agitated)

Yeah but ever since you hooked up with Victoria, you were caught up in a swirl of showbiz publicity. There was definitely a period with the amount of travelling you were doing.

Beckham: I think the start of our problems were when you read more significance into us buying a new place than there was. I tried to explain to you – ‘London is where I’m from and that’s why I’ve bought a house there too’.

Ferguson: Living in the south was not fair to me, the club, your team-mates, or the fans. From the moment you first laid your boot on the ball, you displayed such a talent. You were the only player I managed who chose fame over the field.

Giggs: Your celebrity status was growing all the time, and it was clear that it was starting to get on the gaffer’s nerves.

Ferguson: The Leeds game was pivotal. It became a big story when you failed to turn up for our training session before the game.

Beckham: Yeah, I was down at the house in London. Brooklyn was running a fever. To be honest, even if I’d known what the consequences were going to be, I’d still have made that same decision. Besides, I’d only ever missed one day of training before in nine years as a pro.

Ferguson: Well, there was no way I could consider including you in the team to meet Leeds after that. You made things worse between us when you set me off in the next training session. You refused to accept that you had anything to answer for, so I kicked off.

Beckham: But it was when you said, ‘You were babysitting while your wife was out gallivanting’. That word ‘gallivanting’ and your sneering tone that made me flip.

Ferguson: My decision to leave you in the stands at Leeds became a bit of a drama but it was pretty straightforward for me. Then, in your final season with us, your work-rate was dropping, and we’d heard rumours of a flirtation between Real Madrid and your camp.

Stam: (to Ferguson)

It was bold of you at the time when big-named players seemed capable of running clubs, and it sent a message out – ‘Don’t mess with me’. The point wasn’t lost on us.

Beckham: I was just relieved when you let things go after a couple days. You’re the last person in the world I wanted to fall out with. You had questioned my loyalty to Man U and that stung. I’d been at the club for thirteen years. It seemed I couldn’t do anything right in your eyes.

Ferguson: To be honest Becks, it was reaching the stage back then when I felt uncomfortable with the celebrity aspect. Case in point: before a trip to Leicester City, I noticed the press lined up on the road into Carrington. 20 photographers all because you were showing your new shaved head. You wore that beanie hat all day and night. Going out for the pre-match warm-up, the beanie hat was still on. I told you to take it off and you went berserk. At that time, I was losing hope for you. I could see you being swallowed up by the media.

Beckham: Well … I think I’ve grown up a bit. And I think, now, I respond better to encouragement than I do to being picked on.

Ferdinand: What about the day Fergie kicked the boot and it struck you above the eyebrow in the Arsenal cup game?

Beckham: I wasn’t playing well. Nobody else did, either. I took my boots and shin pads off straight away afterwards because I’d got a knock on my leg.

Ferdinand: It would be fair to say the gaffer was steaming in the dressing room that day. But Becks, you didn’t just sit there and take it. You had a go right back at him.

Beckham: I said It wasn’t my fault. But you kept going; I couldn’t believe it. I felt like I was being bullied. There was a boot on the floor. You swung your leg and kicked it. At me? At the wall? It could have gone anywhere, you were that angry.

I felt like I was being bullied in public, singling me out in the changing room hadn’t been fair.

Ferdinand: I remember it was like slow motion as this boot flew through the air and smacked you in the forehead. If you tried a hundred times to do it again you couldn’t.

Giggs: Becks, you went ballistic. You lunged at him. I grabbed you quickly, but I couldn’t hold you, Gary Neville and Ruud jumped in to help while you fought to get free of us.

Beckham: I don’t know if I’ve ever lost control like that in my life before.

Ferguson: And then the next day the story was in the press.

Beckham: It wasn’t my fault! I walked out of the house the following morning, with my hair pulled back to stop it falling against the cut over my eye and, within a couple of minutes, someone had taken the photo that was all over Monday’s papers.

Ferguson: The minute a Manchester United player thinks he’s bigger than the manager, he has to go. David, you were at a great club. You had a fine career. And with that gone, you lost the chance to become an absolute top-class player.

Act 4 (Epilogue)

Players and Ferguson come back on stage, dimly lit, and stand in a line. In turn, they step forward, and the spotlight shines on them. They look directly at the camera/audience and offer key thoughts about the conflict.

Leighton: I have not allowed any of this to cloud my appreciation of Ferguson’s achievements as a manager. How could I? I know, having played for him for Aberdeen and Scotland, as well as United, how relentless his pursuit of glory is. I also know, to my cost, that he has more than his fair share of ruthless streak which is to be found in the make-up of all top managers.

Ferguson: Many of my critics said that I lost my temper too often in the dressing-room, spreading anxiety among the players. That was nonsense. Of course, there were times when I was displeased with performances and let them know about it, but that is my style. I have always felt that if I have something to say I should get it off my chest. I am not one for allowing two or three days of a cooling period before I voice my feelings. I am in too big a hurry to get on with life.

Sharpe: For all his undoubted qualities as a football manager, that was the way Alex Ferguson ultimately, underneath it all, ruled the roost: by fear. It is this added elements that often makes the difference for many successful managers and one aspect they feel they have to have.

Ferguson: The one thing I could never allow was loss of control, because control was my only saviour. As with David Beckham, I knew the minute a football player started trying to run the club, we would all be finished. The real players like that. They like a manager who can be tough.

It doesn’t matter to me how high a player’s profile is. If he is in the wrong, he is disciplined (pause). And David was definitely in the wrong.

Beckham: No matter how angry or hurt I might be about how he was treating me, I understood everything the boss did was motivated by his wanting to do the best for United. And I knew how much he’d done for me personally, as a player and a person, since I’d arrived at Old Trafford as a boy.

Ferguson: The bottom line was always that Manchester United had to be victorious. That winning culture could be maintained only if I told a player what I thought about his performance in a climate of honesty.

Discussion

In the current study, we have used narrative inquiry and autobiography to develop our understanding of conflict and to make a number of specific contributions to the literature. Previous qualitative research into conflict has considered individual perspectives of conflict occurring (e.g. Mellalieu, Shearer, and Shearer 2013; Partridge and Knapp 2016; Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood 2018a). The current research builds on this research, and adds to Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood's (2017) framework of interpersonal conflict, by considering specific instances of conflict within an elite team environment. McGannon and Smith (2015) propose how narrative resources such as autobiographies allow those in elite sport to construct self-identity, however within a team setting, the focus is shifted to constructions ‘derived from narratives and performed in relationships’ (Smith and Sparkes 2009, 5). Thus, we provide a social relational view of conflict occurring sporting leaders and their players, and present this view from multiple perspectives. This use of narrative inquiry and autobiography allows researchers and applied practitioners to understand how both coaches and athletes can make sense of their experiences of conflict. Furthermore, by developing an ethnodrama, a form of creative non-fiction, to present findings in an evocative, entertaining, and accessible format (Smith 2016), this increases the likelihood of reaching a greater diversity of audience (McMahon, McGannon, and Zehntner 2017). This allows applied practitioners (e.g. coaches and other sporting leaders) to engage fully with the conflict situations presented, which may be unlikely through the use of more traditional presentation of results in academic media (Smith, McGannon, and Williams 2015).

The ethnodrama allowed us to present layers of lived experience, emotion, and theory (McMahon 2016) concerning conflict that occurred in an elite team, and makes numerous contributions to our understanding of team conflict. The ethnodrama highlights specific areas around which the conflict centred, building on the ideas presented by Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2017) in their framework of interpersonal conflict. For Leighton, it was the conflict around de-selection; for Sharpe it was the conflict surrounding the Ferguson’s discipline of him as a younger player, and the leader’s subsequent attempts to manage this; and for Beckham, the conflict based around a high-profile player and (Ferguson’s) perceptions of how this lifestyle was impacting on Beckham’s approach to playing for Man Utd. Such examples of conflict around lifestyle and discipline support the findings of Wachsmuth et al., who also found these aspects can cause of conflict. The instances of conflict in the current study ranged in duration. The conflict between Ferguson and Leighton was around a specific incident, while the conflict with Beckham lasted for about a year, and with Sharpe, it lasted for the majority of Sharpe’s six years under Ferguson’s management. Conflict also varied in frequency and intensity, with spikes in intensity seen at various points, for example, at specific times when Ferguson challenged Sharpe over his behaviour, or the argument in front of the whole squad between Beckham and Ferguson in the changing room. Through illustrating this variety of conflict, the findings in this study extend the research of Wachsmuth et al. by providing more detailed information to illustrate to the reader these instances of conflict from the perspective of both the leader and the player.

The ethnodrama also builds on the theorising of Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2017) concerning the determinants of conflict. McGannon and Smith (2020) highlight how within narrative inquiry, people use stories, such as those told in autobiographies, to make sense of who they are and how they should behave. In the current study, these stories told by those who experienced an elite team environment, provide a resource that allow others to understand (Frank, 2013), and therefore, enhance our understanding of why conflict might occur in this environment. It appears that interpersonal reasons were a key determinant, involving a deterioration of the relationship quality between Ferguson and each of the players. For example, poor communication or ineffective motivational climate (as perceived by the players), such as for Sharpe, who bemoaned Ferguson’s controlling treatment and a lack of communication in explaining this [Ferguson’s] approach. Drawing on leadership theory, Chelladurai and Saleh (1980) propose that a player will only be motivated and satisfied if their leader’s behaviour matches what the player prefers and requires. The dialogue in the ethnodrama indicates that both Sharpe and Beckham likely preferred more open, supportive, one-on-one communication, and the lack of such communication could explain conflict from the players’ perspective. An alternative cause might have been the levels of relationship quality between Ferguson and the players. Jowett and Shanmugam (2016) highlight in their 3 C’s +1 model how low levels of relationship quality, in terms of closeness, complementarity, commitment, and core orientation, can negatively impact on relationships between sporting leaders and players, which can in turn, lead to conflict situations. For example, Sharpe appeared to feel low levels of closeness with his manager, and experienced feelings of rejection, with Sharpe and Ferguson disagreeing on appropriate behaviours exhibited and commitment needed by young footballers. Additionally, Beckham and Ferguson disagreed on Beckham’s levels of commitment, with Ferguson perceiving a celebrity lifestyle was a detriment to this commitment, but Beckham believing he was still demonstrating high levels of commitment. Jowett (2005) postulates that a combination of low levels of these four aspects of relational quality may be associated with interpersonal conflict as it is likely to negatively impact stability and harmony that characterises effective relationships.

The ethnodrama also highlights potential negative outcomes for those interacting in an elite environment. The findings of the current study furthers Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood's (2017) propositions about various intrapersonal, interpersonal, and performance consequences of conflict. In terms of intrapersonal consequences, each of the players appear to exhibit a range of negative cognitive (e.g. worry and confusion over treatment from the manager) and affective (e.g. feelings of frustration and disappointment) responses. Beckham appears particularly disappointed that his manager questions his loyalty and commitment to the club (having been at the club for 13 years, and only ever having previously missed one training session). In terms of interpersonal consequences, the conflict presented in the ethnodrama highlights examples of relationship deterioration, with disliking of one another, and in many cases led to a relationship termination. Ultimately, each of the players left the club, with Beckham and Leighton leaving soon after the conflict occurred, and Sharpe leaving several years later with the conflict never really being resolved. Such negative cognitive, affective, and behavioural responses supports the work of Mellalieu, Shearer, and Shearer (2013) who found that most responses to conflict at an elite level were negative. Furthermore, in their review of the mental health literature, Reardon et al., (2019) highlight how the elite environment can affect athlete health and wellbeing, and conflict between individuals are likely to be an element of this context that could contribute to such a negative outcome.

By using narrative inquiry and autobiography, and presenting findings as an ethnodrama, this study makes a number of methodological contributions to the literature. Only a small number of studies have used narrative inquiry to consider different perspectives. For example, Papathomas, Smith, and Lavallee (2015) incorporated the perceptions of both athletes themselves and their immediate family when exploring athlete eating disorders. Cavallerio, Wadey, and Wagstaff (2016) presented two creative non-fiction stories to illustrate differing viewpoints of coaches and athletes regarding injuries effecting young elite gymnasts. Our research builds on these studies, which is valuable as it allows the reader to empathise with the different perspectives of conflict. From our findings, one example of this would be a coach seeking to understand the perspective of a young player (i.e. Sharpe), and reading the discussion between Sharpe and Ferguson would prompt such a reader to reflect on the causes of conflict (e.g. so they might be understood better and avoided), and how the conflict impacts on the player. Such understanding for another’s perspective is important as Klimecki (2019) proposes how empathy plays a key role in developing positive interpersonal relationships in groups, and that it is associated with higher readiness for reconciliation following conflict. This suggests developing empathy could be a conflict resolution strategy in itself, as the ethnodrama brings the relational complexities of the conflict experiences between a sporting leader and their players to life by directly showing interplay between characters to promote discussion around different perspectives of conflict.

Our study adds to the research that has used narrative inquiry and autobiography (e.g. Howells and Fletcher 2015; McGannon and McMahon 2019), and makes a novel contribution as it is the first to draw from different autobiographies to construct the ethnodrama. McGannon and McMahon (2019) highlight how autobiographies are valuable pedagogic resources, due to the relatable nature of information about emotions that athletes face. By combining different autobiographical accounts to create a coherent and evocative storyline, we hope this will engage and resonate with readers so they might move towards new and vicarious understandings of intrateam conflict (Smith 2016). In terms of Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood's (2017) call for research to consider strategies that prevent or manage conflict, we propose the ethnodrama could be used in leadership workshops to stimulate reflection and discussion concerning the resolution of such examples of conflict. Future research might examine the efficacy of using the findings to transfer knowledge about conflict in an accessible and meaningful way (Smith, McGannon, and Williams 2015). Furthermore, future research might consider the format used to present the conflict stories (Szedlak et al. 2019). In addition, the dialogue could also be used to get workshop participants to read and act out the script from different perspectives, to prompt provocative generalisability by encouraging those involved to reflect on their own role in occurrences of conflict (Cavallerio, Wadey, and Wagstaff 2021). Indeed, Cassidy, Kidman, and Dudfield (2015) had actors read coaching ethnodrama scripts at a conference, and further research should examine and reflect on such different modes of presenting conflict scenarios to effectively stimulate the reflections of applied audiences.

While the use of autobiographical data adds to and expands on sport psychology research that has examined intrapersonal conflict, the strengths and limitations of using this data source should be acknowledged. Sparkes and Stewart (2016) highlight numerous, advantages of using autobiographical data that were pertinent in the current study. For example, the detailed stories told about occurrences of conflict provided us with a thorough resource to explore and illustrate conflict. Nevertheless, Sparkes and Stewart highlight how the use of autobiographies has been criticised and propose readers need to adopt a ‘critical analytical stance’ (p.126) when reading such texts, and point to the strategies highlighted by Smith and Watson (2010) in engaging with autobiographical data. For example, considering temporality (when the books are written), it should be acknowledged that Ferguson’s account was written after the players. This temporal aspect results in Ferguson actually responding, for example, to the criticism of Ferguson in Leighton’s own book. This actually results in the dialogue in our findings being more authentic, as it appears Ferguson is directly responding to what Leighton says, thus the order of writing should be acknowledged. Smith and Watson also encourage the reader to consider the audience/addressee (who is the story being told to/who is the writing addressing?). Each person is telling their own subjective version of their story to convince the audience (e.g. football fans) of their perspective. Indeed, Beckham even calls his book ‘My Side’, and the detailed chapters (culminating with him being sold to another club), give an emotive account of his feelings around his conflict with Ferguson. These are examples of the critical consideration needed when using autobiographies in narrative inquiry, and the stories told that might enhance our understanding of psychological issues such as conflict in sport. Furthermore, McGannon and Smith (2020) argue that the advantages of taking a story analyst approach to examining athlete autobiographies in narrative inquiry outweigh the potential limitations. With elite environments otherwise hard to access, autobiographies gave us a ‘privileged insight’ (Howells and Fletcher 2015, 46) of conflict occurring in an elite environment, providing the opportunity to explore sociocultural issues such as interpersonal conflict.

In conclusion, we have advanced understanding of conflict in sports teams by presenting conflict experiences between leaders and players from both perspectives. Such examples of conflict in an elite environment builds on Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood's (2017) framework of intrapersonal conflict by illustrating conflict processes, and some of the determinants and consequences of such conflict in an elite environment. The dialogue created in the ethnodrama presents examples of real-life conflict from an elite environment in an innovative way that is likely to encourage reflection from an applied audience. Cassidy, Kidman, and Dudfield (2015) highlight a reason for the increased use of narratives (such as ethnodrama) in sport psychology research is that they can provide an effective pedagogical tool to provide audiences the opportunity to consider the problems faced in the scenarios and contribute appropriate answers. Our intention is not to provide strategies to prevent or manage such conflict, but instead use the dialogue as a pedagogic tool to engage leaders and their athletes in considering conflict, promoting a greater understanding of such conflict, and prompting discussion of how their own conflict might be best managed. Wachsmuth, Jowett, and Harwood (2017) claimed that ‘Conflict, however, represents a risk to any relationship if not dealt with constructively’ (p.94) and we hope that the ethnodrama presented in the current research, presented in accessible format, will resonate with such an applied audience, providing an effective pedagogical tool to help inform applied practice in helping to further understand and then manage conflict between coaches and athletes.

Acknowledgements

Thank you to Charlie Fish and Rosie Oliver with their help in developing the ethnodrama script.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Correction Statement

This article has been republished with minor changes. These changes do not impact the academic content of the article.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Matthew Smith

Matthew Smith is a senior lecturer in Sport and Exercise Psychology at the University of Winchester, in the School of Sport, Health and Community. His research interests focus on the social psychology of sport, including effective leadership practice in different contexts, and the enhancement of group functioning. Calum Arthur is an organisational development consultant at NHS Lothian.