‘You made us feel at home’: towards Indigenous feminist methodologies with young wāhine in sport and exercise

ABSTRACT

Decades of research on Indigenous and culturally diverse young women in sport and exercise has been underpinned by deficit models where these groups are portrayed as ‘lacking’, ‘at risk’, and/or ‘vulnerable’. Such approaches have been heavily critiqued for ignoring broader structural and systemic inequities that have produced such health disparities. These approaches also reproduce racialised ideologies of Indigenous and culturally diverse women where they are seen as a ‘problem group’ in sport, exercise and health research. Over recent years, a growing body of research is advancing culturally appropriate methodologies and methods that aim to prioritise the voices and lived experiences of Indigenous and culturally diverse women. This paper contributes to this literature by providing an example of research that used Indigenous methodologies (Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology) to engage young Māori and Pasifika wāhine in Aotearoa New Zealand. We start by positioning this paper in relevant literature, then detail the cultural underpinnings of the methodological approach we used. We then outline the research and offer some practical considerations in, i) recruiting young women within one’s community, ii) using methods such as wānanga (meetings), digital diaries and kai (food), and iii) weaving care and reciprocity. In so doing, we highlight the importance of using locally specific feminist methodologies throughout research with, by and for young Indigenous and culturally diverse young women.

KEYWORDS:

• Feminist methodologies
• young women
• Indigenous
• Mana wahine
• Masi methodology
• Aotearoa New Zealand

Introduction

Indigenous and culturally diverse young women are often viewed as problematic and their multiple ‘vulnerabilities’ are negatively highlighted in media and policy (Clark et al. 2021; Deckert 2020). This deficit view is often reproduced in the methodologies used by researchers (often those outside of these communities) investigating their sport and exercise participation. In response to such problematic approaches, a growing body of Indigenous feminist scholarship is providing alternatives including strengths-based approaches with, by and for Indigenous and culturally diverse women (Aarti et al. 2017; McGuire-Adams 2020b). Much of this research is being led by women from these communities who use culturally-specific methods and methodologies that resonate with the women in their communities. While methodologies and methods are contextualised to place and location, underpinning this work are efforts to develop ‘decolonised methodologies’ with and for their communities (Smith 2012). By using culturally-specific methodologies for Indigenous and culturally diverse women, researchers work to create spaces where participants feel comfortable sharing their lived experiences.

We contribute to this growing body of literature by using the current PhD research of the first author which focuses on the sport and exercise experiences of young Māori¹ and Pasifika² wāhine.³ In this article we use the first author’s research as an example of how culturally-specific methodologies and methods were used to recruit and engage young wāhine in Aotearoa New Zealand (hereafter Aotearoa). In respecting the culturally diverse lives of these young wāhine, we wove together two feminist Indigenous methodological approaches: Mana Wahine (Pihama 2020) and Masi Methodology (Naepi 2019). We start by providing context for this project and the researchers positionings. Next, we examine Indigenous feminist literature followed by our rationale for weaving Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology. We then explain the project and provide practical examples in i) recruiting young women within one’s community, ii) using wānanga,⁴ digital diaries and kai,⁵ and iii) weaving care and reciprocity. In so doing, we highlight the importance of using culturally-specific methods and methodologies when conducting research with and for Indigenous and culturally diverse young women.

Cultural context and Positionality: Māori and Pasifika cultural connections in Aotearoa

Māori have a rich culture⁶ that shapes their worldview and how they engage in society. As the Indigenous peoples of Aotearoa, Māori ways of life continue to flourish despite the physical, economic and symbolic violence of colonialism (Ka’ai-Mahuta 2011; Taonui 2010). Te Tiriti o Waitangi (The Treaty of Waitangi), a treaty of cession signed between Māori and British Crown representatives in 1840, is a significant and contested document that continues to shape relations between Māori, Pākehā (NZ Europeans) and all other peoples in Aotearoa (Byrnes 1999; Hill 2010; Thomas and Waimarie Nikora 1996). Te Tiriti principles of reciprocity, active protection, partnership, equity, and equal treatment shape policy and practice in health, education, research (Smith 2012; Wilkie and Whakataukī 2005), and sport and exercise (Hapeta et al. 2019; Hapeta, Stewart-Withers, and Palmer 2019).

Pacific peoples are a collective group living in Aotearoa. They are Indigenous⁷ to their respective Islands (Samoa, Fiji, Tonga, Niue, etc) and have distinct cultures. In Aotearoa they are identified using terms such as Pacific and/or Pasifika. Although Pacific and Pasifika are used interchangeably, we align with Fa’avae (2022) who explains that Pacific refers to anyone with Pacific heritage and Pasifika refers to Pacific people who were born and raised in Aotearoa. Most Pacific people living in Aotearoa are Pasifika so their lived experiences with their Indigenous cultures differ from those born and raised in the Islands (Mila-Schaaf 2011).

Māori and pacific cultural connections

Māori and Pacific peoples are connected through ancestral links as all Polynesians (Māori included) migrated from the same shores and are part of Oceania (Hill 2010; Somerville 2012). Cultural connections also exist such as shared social experiences, intermarriage and a camaraderie with being brown (Matika et al. 2021; Mila-Schaaf 2011). Māori and Pacific peoples are often framed negatively in wider social contexts including health, education, crime and poverty (Enari and Haua 2021). As various critical sport and physical education scholars have highlighted, they are often unfairly stereotyped as ‘gifted’ in sport and exercise and inept in education (Fitzpatrick 2013; Hokowhitu 2003a, 2003b). Conversely, while disproportionately honoured and recognised for their achievements and athleticism in sports (Palmer 2016; Schaaf 2005), various studies show lower levels of sport and physical activity participation (Stoner et al. 2016). For example, Sport New Zealand identified young Māori and Pasifika wāhine as having a heightened ‘risk’ of low participation in sport and exercise (‘Spotlight on Deprivation: Key Findings 2019). Such reports often fail to include the knowledge and experiences of young wāhine that would help understand ‘why’ they are identified as being ‘at risk’. This is where Indigenous feminist methodologies and methods could assist with engaging these young wāhine in research.

Another connection includes individuals with mixed Māori and Pacific ancestry. A YouTube series named Duality (Tahi 2023) unpacks the lived experiences of mixed Māori and Pasifika rangatahi⁸ who are described by Sir Aupito William Sio (Minister for Pacific Peoples in Aotearoa) as being, ‘the Generation [of young] … people who are brown, … brainy, … beautiful and bicultural⁹’ (Vaka’ut a 2021, 1). Despite this growing group of mixed ethnic rangatahi, such hybridity is rarely acknowledged in research and policy (Moeke-Maxwell 2005). To date most research in Aotearoa has kept Māori and Pasifika separate and very few combine methods and/or methodologies (Mayeda et al. 2014; Wikaire et al. 2017). We aim to address this gap by 1) conducting research with and for Māori and Pasifika wāhine (including those of mixed ethnicities), and 2) intentionally weaving culturally-specific methodologies and methods to recruit and engage them.

Researcher positionality and cultural reflexivity

As an Indigenous feminist researcher of Māori-Samoan (Pasifika) descent, the first author has unique insider positioning for this research. She has a similar ethnic and socio-economic background as the young wāhine and has worked with hundreds of young Māori and Pasifika wāhine for over thirty years as an educator, trainer, coach and church group leader. This extensive lived experience provided cultural knowledge and authenticity to this research. However, she is a different generation to the participants and as feminist youth scholars have revealed, there are generational complexities when doing research by, with and for youth from the same cultural backgrounds (Miled 2019). Given the diversity in Pasifika ethnic groups, there are also nuanced cultural differences between the young wāhine and the first author. We acknowledged and addressed these generational and cultural differences through constant thorough reflexivity.

The broader research team included Pākeha,¹⁰ Pacific, and Māori scholars that contributed different strengths, experience and knowledge. Throughout this project we regularly reflected on our individual and collective positionings and were particularly mindful of how our cultural and disciplinary positionalities were shaping this project. We came together with a shared interest in understanding how Māori and Pasifika methodologies could amplify the voices of young wāhine in research.

Literature Review: sport and exercise research on/with and by Indigenous and culturally diverse women

Decades of research on Indigenous and culturally diverse women’s participation in sport and exercise has been underpinned by deficit-models where they are often seen as ‘lacking’, ‘at risk’ or ‘vulnerable’. In such research, young women are portrayed as requiring interventions to improve individual sport and exercise levels, and thus overall health (Meharg et al. 2020; Roberts et al. 2017). These approaches have been heavily critiqued for ignoring broader structural and systemic inequities that have produced such health disparities. Furthermore, these approaches often reproduce racialised ideologies of Indigenous and culturally diverse women where they are portrayed as a ‘problem’ in sport, exercise and health research (Hyett et al. 2019; Krieg 2016). Indigenous scholars have argued that for better representation of Indigenous and culturally diverse women, the methodologies and methods used need to be culturally-specific (Courtney et al. 2020; Smith et al. 2016). In this paper we build upon and extend these arguments by focusing on methodologies and methods used with sport and exercise research by Indigenous and culturally diverse women.

Over recent years various research approaches have been developed to advance culturally-specific methods and methodologies that prioritise the lived experiences of Indigenous and culturally diverse women. These include community-based participatory research (CBPR) (Coppola et al. 2017; Sanz-Remacha et al. 2022), Postcolonial Feminist Participatory Action Research (PFPAR) (Hayhurst, Giles, and Radforth 2015), and Narrative Inquiry (Hamzavi and Brown 2023). While there are undoubtedly strengths in such approaches, our research specifically contributes to the small but significant body of literature led by feminist Indigenous and culturally diverse women who are creating methodologies and conducting research with and for women in their communities (Aarti et al. 2017; Ahmad et al. 2020; McGuire-Adams 2020b). Aarti et al. (2017)explain that Indigenous or ethnic ‘Other’ feminists ‘privilege theoretical frameworks that “speak to them”, and which inform their methodological choices and methods, to provide new and original approaches to analysing sport, physical culture and the lives of ethnic “Other” girls and women’ (3). Such research is guided by culturally-specific intersectional feminist and cultural practices that may not always be fully understood or acknowledged by Westernised research approaches. However, we draw strength from Lorde (2003) when stating that ‘the master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house’ (p. 27) and resonate with Stewart-Withers et al. (2017) when explaining that while research approaches such as PAR ‘can work with indigenous people it is not informed by an indigenous worldview’ (p. 56).

Importantly, and most relevant to this article, are culturally-specific methods and practices used by sport and exercise researchers to engage participants from Indigenous and culturally diverse communities. In Canada, methods including sharing circles and storytelling as well as cultural practices like offering tobacco have been implemented with Indigenous communities (Hudson, Spence, and McHugh 2020; Mason et al. 2019; McGuire-Adams 2020a; McHugh, Coppola, and Sinclair 2013). In Australia, an Indigenous method named ‘yarning¹¹’ is used by Indigenous scholars to conduct research with their communities (Bessarab and Ng’andu 2010; Walker et al. 2014). Indigenous research approaches using digital technologies and social media has also been gaining traction due to it being used by many young Indigenous peoples (Carlson and Frazer 2021; Rice et al. 2016). Importantly, culturally-specific methods and practices help provide respectful and familiar spaces for Indigenous peoples engagement in research.

An example of research that uses a culturally-specific Indigenous feminist methodology and method is the work of McGuire-Adams (2017, 2020b). In her position as an Anishinaabe woman and scholar, she developed an Anishinaabeg research paradigm for sport sociology and used it to recruit and engage women in her community. Her methods included sharing circles and story-telling and she used Anishinaabeg cultural protocols, such as offering tobacco and drawing upon spirits (McGuire-Adams 2017). Using culturally-specific practices the Anishinaabeg women authentically engaged with research in environments that they were accustomed to. Further Indigenous feminist ethics of care included encouraging the women to share their stories in their own ways and having full editing rights in their transcripts (McGuire-Adams 2020b). Here we see the implementation and practice of a culturally specific research methodology and methods by an Indigenous feminist with and for women in her community.

In Aotearoa, several research projects provide insight into the methods and methodologies that have been used to investigate the physical education and sport experiences of young Māori and Pasifika wāhine. Indigenous feminist researcher Palmer (2007, 2000), conducted research with young Māori wāhine and their experiences in physical education using Kaupapa Māori¹² methodologies and methods. More recently, Pacific scholar Sotutu (2022) employed a Pasifika research paradigm and used Talanoa¹³ as the method to investigate the experiences of young Pasifika girls in junior rugby. Building on this Indigenous feminist scholarship (Palmer 2007; Sotutu 2022), we aim to contribute to literature on research with and for young Māori and/or Pasifika wāhine using culturally-specific methodologies and methods.

Māori and Pasifika feminist methodologies

I think that when research is being done on a certain population, that the research methods and approach align with the population’s values and culture. People are more likely to open up and feel comfortable with people who they can relate to, and with you I felt this wholeheartedly. I was able to be vulnerable and open up about things that I’ve never expressed before, I was given a safe space to be vulnerable and kōrero.¹⁴ Wairemana¹⁵ (21, Māori-Pākehā)

This is the voice of a young Māori-Pākehā wahine in our research project.¹⁶ Her response reinforced the importance of using culturally-specific practices throughout the data gathering stages of this project and it confirmed our resolve to weave Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology. In this section we present the tenets of Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology and explain how and why we wove these together for our research.

Mana Wahine

Mana Wahine is a research approach designed by, with and for Māori wāhine. As a theoretical framework, Mana Wahine centres the lives, knowledge and experiences of Māori wāhine (Pihama 2020; Toi 2019). It is sometimes attributed to intersectionality which explores how ethnicity and gender intersect to impact women’s lives in varied ways (Simmonds 2011; Toyibah and Riyani 2022). Simmonds (2009) explains that, ‘Mana wahine is about making visible Māori women’s knowledges and making heard our voices and herstories. It has emerged to describe and analyse Māori women’s lived realities’ (4). Mana Wahine is fluid, relational and diverse as it acknowledges and respects the varied ways in which Māori wāhine live their lives. It embraces self-determination and cannot be defined to a single version or truth as it encompasses and embraces the diverse ways of ‘being’ a Māori wahine (Pihama 2020). In research, Mana Wahine embraces methods that centre the lives and experiences of Māori wāhine and it supports the choices of Māori wāhine in academia who conduct research with, by and for other Māori wāhine.

Masi methodology

Masi Methodology is a Pan-Pacific methodology used to centre the lives and experiences of Pacific women (Naepi 2016, 2019, 2021). In practice, Masi Methodology is the implementation of Pacific values and principles when conducting research with Pacific women. The objective is to centre ‘Pacific women’s voices as authoritative and having something to offer beyond the limits of the academy’s understanding’ (Naepi 2019, 238). Pacific principles include showing respect, acknowledging and valuing relationships, demonstrating and being aware of different cultural practices, reciprocity, and encouraging genuine participation through autonomy and decision making (Naepi 2019). Masi Methodology is currently a framework that is intended to guide a researcher conducting research with Pacific women. Although in its infancy, ‘its potential to be a powerful tool for recording Pacific women’s experiences of this world is unlimited’ (Naepi 2019, 240).

Weaving Mana Wahine and Masi methodology

Weaving is a practice and custom used by most Pacific nations including Māori, Samoa, Tonga, and Fiji (Griffen 2006). This custom is predominantly performed by women and although each country has their own unique cultural techniques, it is understood that when weaving, women ‘share stories and ideas of family and community and the world and of a woman’s place in it’ (Griffen 2006, 17). The act and art of weaving comprises values and cultural representations that embrace Māori and Pasifika wāhine and as such, is an apt metaphor for the methodological practices we employed in this project.

Our decision to weave two Indigenous feminist methodologies into the research design was based on the first author’s lived experiences as a Māori-Pasifika wahine. Understanding the tensions of having to choose either a Māori or Samoan identity and knowing the nuances between each culture, she was resolved to find a methodology that would respect the mixed cultural and ethnic identities of young wāhine. In our search for a suitable methodology, we found Tangata Hourua which is a mixed Māori and Pasifika research methodology (Mullane, Harwood, and Warbrick 2022). Although some of the tenets of this suited our research, it failed to acknowledge the intersections of gender and ethnicity. Aspiring surgeons Tutone et al. (2023) were the first Māori and Pasifika academics to weave Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology into their research design. Like us, their goal was to centre the voices and experiences of Māori and Pasifika wāhine while also honouring them ‘in their own self-determination’ (Tutone et al. 2023, 108). Mirroring their intentions, we also weave Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology throughout our research design.

Various scholars have expressed concern over the watering down and loss of integrity of Māori and Pasifika knowledge when methodologies are blended (Naepi 2019; Sanga and Reynolds 2017). Acknowledging such concerns, we worked reflexively with Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology throughout all stages of our research (Naepi 2015). The metaphorical process of weaving required respect for the different strands of Mana Wahine and Masi principles. At times, depending on the context, the Mana Wahine strands took precedence, and other times Masi strands were used. Sometimes both strands were used concurrently. Importantly, each strand was equally valued in the weaving process. This is where a great deal of reflexivity, cultural care, deeply embodied cultural knowledge and intuition became important. We showed respect to all the young wāhine by centring their gendered cultural multiplicities throughout our research.

Discussion: centring young wāhine using Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology

In this section, we introduce the young Māori and Pasifika wāhine in this research project to provide context and understanding of how and why we wove Mana Wahine and Masi methodology. We then provide examples of Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology in practice.

Young Māori and Pasifika wāhine

In this research there are 31 young Māori and/or Pasifika Wāhine aged 16 to 25 years old living in South Auckland(16) or Porirua¹⁷(15). We use these locations as they are both low socio-economic communities with similar demographics situated in large, urbanised cities (Statistics New Zealand 2018; Yong et al. 2017). Of the 31 participants, sixteen wāhine have mixed-ethnicities comprising of Māori-Samoan(7), Samoan-Tokelauan(3), Samoan-Niuean(2), Cook Island-Samoan(1), Samoan-Tongan(1), and Māori-Pākehā(2). Among the remainder of the sample, seven identify as Māori and eight as Pasifika. The Pasifika wāhine come from a range of different ethnic groups (i.e. Samoan, Tongan, Cook Island) but the majority are Samoan(5). Seven were in high school, 10 in higher education, three had graduated with a qualification, 16 were employed, and four had children.

The lived realities of the young wāhine illustrate the expectations, responsibilities, and stereotypes they experience. Some come from families where they are expected to work to help pay family expenses because both parents are working – sometimes two jobs. Many have gendered domestic responsibilities (i.e. laundry, cleaning, babysitting) unlike their brothers who are encouraged to participate in sport. Some are from overcrowded intergenerational homes (two wāhine had 10 people living in a 3 bedroom home) with family members who have serious health conditions. The majority of these young wāhine described racial discrimination they face in social spaces including school, university and shopping. Mirroring other research on the everyday experiences of Māori and Pasifika wāhine (Gray Claire 2019), the young wāhine in our study believed they were regularly targeted because they were ‘brown’.

As one young wahine expressed:

We are the main ethnicity that gets crapped on here [in Aotearoa] but I am proud to be Maori-Pasifika. I’ll never want to change, you know, my ethnicity, ever!

(Wenzie, 19, Cook Island-Samoan-Māori)

These expectations, responsibilities and stereotypes frame their lives and reinforce the importance of using Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology to centre and respect their voices.

Mana wahine and masi methodology in practice

Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology centre and respect the voices and lives of Māori and Pacific wāhine. In practice this meant ensuring each young wahine felt important, valued and integral to the research. Once a young wahine committed to participating, the first author built on that relationship and created a meaningful connection. Meaningful relationships and connections are both integral strands of Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology (Naepi 2019; Pihama 2020). The remainder of this paper outlines some cultural practices we used, focusing specifically on the considerations with i) recruiting from within one’s community, ii) Wānanga, digital diaries, and kai, and iii) care and reciprocity.

Recruiting young women within your community

Our recruitment strategies were informed by research on recruiting young Indigenous women mixed with Mana Wahine and Masi principles. Mirroring current trends in recruiting young women for research, we used social media platforms including Facebook and Instagram (Thornton et al. 2016; Whitaker, Stevelink, and Fear 2017). Our recruitment was similar to research conducted with young Black and Latina women that were recruited using adults they knew and trusted (González and Grov 2022). This form of recruitment also aligns with Mana Wahine and Masi Principles through Whanaungatanga¹⁸ within one’s community.

Positionality and location were key factors shaping our recruitment strategies. In South Auckland recruitment started with the first author sending personalised private messages to young wāhine who she was friends with on Facebook and Instagram. Our choice to use this approach related to culturally-specific knowledge of Māori and Pasifika young wāhine. In Māori and Pacific cultures, respect is given to those who are older than oneself which can lead to feelings of obligation. Sending private messages aimed to minimise this possible imbalance of power. Instead, young wāhine were given time to read the invitation before deciding to participate. If they were asked face-to-face, young wāhine were potentially put in a vulnerable position. Whanaungatanga was facilitated using personal contacts through home visits with friends and family, phone calls and informal conversations with past students.¹⁹ Some Western research approaches may define such recruitment strategies as strategic, purposive sampling among existing networks. However, when doing research with Māori and Pasifika, these relationships have deeper cultural meanings and are underpinned by respect, care and reciprocity (Naepi 2019).

Recruiting in Porirua was challenging because the first author had very few close contacts. The approaches used in this region differed from those in South Auckland but whanaungatanga was still a strong focal point. Drawing on research that encouraged Facebook as a recruitment tool (Thornton et al. 2016; Whitaker, Stevelink, and Fear 2017), the first author joined and shared a poster featuring a young Māori-Pasifika wahine on a number of Porirua community Facebook pages. She joined community fitness groups, sent emails and messages to different sporting communities (i.e. Porirua Basketball Association) and participated in CrossFit, F45 and community classes. Recruitment also included sending personal messages and emails with the poster to friends and family asking them to distribute it among their communities.

Interestingly, the recruitment method that yielded the most interest and engagement resonated with research by González and Grov (2022) where a trusted adult encouraged the young wāhine to participate. Many of the adults who encouraged the young wāhine in Porirua were their mothers or aunts who resonated with the research topic and the first author. As Māori and/or Pasifika wāhine, they wanted to support the first author and in so doing reflected Mana Wāhine (kotahitanga²⁰) and Masi (respect and support) principles. This demonstrates intergenerational support which highlights the importance of engaging whānau²¹ and community in recruitment.

Māori and Pasifika peoples enjoy helping their communities progress. Sharing the purpose and importance of the research project gave the young wāhine a chance to feel they were being helpful and important. Replies from some young wāhine included that they were excited and happy to support this research. However, not all wāhine wanted to be part of this research(5). Using Mana Wahine and Masi principles, extra care was taken to ensure these young wāhine were not pressured by thanking them for their consideration by reassuring them that declining was not a problem. Given her prior relationships with many of the young wāhine (particularly those in South Auckland), the first author constantly reiterated that participation was free from obligation and that they had full control over decisions to leave without any repercussions.

Wānanga, digital diaries, and kai

The methods used in this research included hosting two wānanga held six to seven months apart. Young wāhine who were unable to make the group wānanga had a kanohi-ki-te-kanohi hui²² at a local restaurant of their choosing. The young wāhine were asked to document their sport and exercise experiences between the first and second wānanga. To do this we used co-participatory methods by providing a variety of options. The options included a written journal (notebooks with empowering quotes on the cover and pens were gifted to each participant regardless of their preferred method), participant-created videography or photography (TikTok, Instagram, Facebook), or a google form specifically created to document their stories. Social media options were offered because we recognised the importance of digital technologies in young women’s lives (Camacho-Miñano, MacIsaac, and Rich 2019) as well as the use of social media for Indigenous storytelling (Carlson and Frazer 2021; Iseke 2011). These practices resonated with Mana Wahine and Masi methodologies as it involved collaboration and key decision making by placing the control of knowledge with the young wāhine (Naepi 2019; Simmonds 2009). At the first wānanga, one young wahine asked if she could choose more than one option. We hadn’t considered this, but holding fast to the Mana Wahine and Masi principles, the response was, ‘Of course you can!’

The digital method options recognise that many young people use social media regularly and view it as an integral part of their everyday lives (Hsu et al. 2015; Seo et al. 2014). For Indigenous and culturally diverse communities, social media can provide opportunities for young people to reinforce their identities and build acceptance within their communities (Carlson and Frazer 2021). Some of the wāhine embraced the variety of digital methods available to record and capture their stories. One young wahine had an Instagram page which she allowed the first author to join and follow, and another created a beautiful word document with photos and reflective comments about her experiences. Others took photos which showed them in different outdoor environments including beaches, waterfalls and walking tracks. Importantly, the young wāhine embraced these digital options as they enabled them to ‘show and tell’ their movement stories in a range of creative ways. Their activities included skateboarding, dancing, ‘gyming,²³’ waka-ama, walking and netball. When given the opportunity to tell their own stories in their own ways, these young wāhine were far from the inactive, ‘at risk’ group described in policy documents. Instead, they enjoyed participating in a range of physical activities in their own ways and on their own terms.

Prayer, religion and food play an important role in Māori and Pasifika peoples lives. Many family, church and community gatherings involve prayer and sharing kai. Māori and Pasifika peoples have deep cultural connections with kai and it is often used to demonstrate care and respect (Heena et al. 2022). Understanding this culturally-specific knowledge and demonstrating Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology principles, we provided kai for all wānanga and hui. The menu consisted of multiple main and side dishes, dessert, non-alcoholic beverages and snacks. This may seem excessive in Western research frameworks, however, this resonates with Māori and Pasifika values and is an important way of showing appreciation. Our provision of kai was an overt action to show the young wāhine that they are important, and that we respected them to a level where they could see we took great efforts for them. Another Māori and Pasifika cultural practice that we used included providing more food than was necessary. We also provided extra plates and cling wrap for participants to ‘make a plate’²⁴ they could take home and share with their families. These cultural practices align with Mana Wahine and Masi methodology by showing respect, reciprocity and appreciation for the young wāhine and their whānau.

Care and reciprocity

When communicating with the young wāhine, Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology principles were used. This included a reassuring and gentle approach where the importance of ‘having your say’ and ‘sharing your story’ was reinforced. Mana Wahine and Masi principles were also portrayed through the flexibility, patience and problem-solving applied when working with the young wāhine. For example, transportation was often an issue. Many young wāhine needed transportation to and/or from the wānanga. This was resolved with offers to pick them up and/or drop them off wherever they needed to go (Figure 1). This occurred many times in South Auckland and Porirua illustrating that accessibility was an issue for the young wāhine. Mana Wāhine and Masi principles of care were evident in the actions of taking the young wāhine to and from their destinations without hesitation. The first author was cognisant of the additional roles required of her to support the young wāhine with their participation in the research.

Figure 1. Examples of texts from young wāhine to the first author demonstrating the need for support with transportation.

Being flexible also included being mentally and logistically prepared for anything. For example, some young wāhine were late, or they had to leave early, or they wanted to change times and days at short notice (Figure 2). At the very first wānanga the first author had prepared the room with extra care. She had borrowed her mother’s tablecloths and bought food for more than 12 participants, yet only three turned up. Despite the initial disappointment at the low turnout the discussion was authentic, deep and meaningful. Painful experiences were shared, tears were shed, and hugs were given. Empathy and understanding of the lived realities of the young women became paramount and it reinforced the importance of being calm and kind, and always showing the young wāhine that they were indeed important.

Figure 2. Example of text from a participant to the first author showing the range of commitments that needed to be navigated and why flexibility and understanding is important.

At times it can be hard to know whether young women are interpreting such gestures as they were intended. However, when asked to participate in a voluntary online post-wānanga survey, it was evident that they felt safe, valued and comfortable throughout the research process:

I did. It felt as if I could open up without getting judged with what I had to say.

(Tati, 16, Māori-Samoan)

OMG YES! Very much never experienced this kind of research to recognise Pacific and Māori women in sports. Very comfortable.

(Paige, 20, Samoan-Tokelauan)

Yes definitely made me feel safe and it made me open up a bit more because you are so kind and welcoming. As Māori/Pasifika people we have this nature where we naturally draw to our people whether we know them or not. But you made us feel at home and like we were just having a conversation.

(Rya, 23, Samoan-Tokelauan)

With these thoughts in mind, it was important to make known to them that the choices and stories they shared throughout the research would be valued and not taken for granted. As a final gesture of gratitude, at the end of the project the young wāhine were given a koha.²⁵ This was a t-shirt that had a print of an original design created by the first author specifically for the young wāhine (Figure 3). The uniquely designed t-shirt combined Māori and Pasifika themes and was appreciated by the young wāhine who expressed their excitement and pride in wearing it. Upon receiving the t-shirt that had the words, ‘Mana Wahine – Weaving our stories of health and physical activity’ printed on it, Nina (19, Samoan-Māori) responded via text message: ‘Thank you so much for the t-shirt. It fits perfectly! I love it so much’.

Figure 3. Nora (19, Samoan-niuean) - modelling the Mana Wahine t-shirt designed by the first author and given as koha for participation (photo used with full permission).

The importance of Mana Wāhine and Masi methodological practices implemented throughout this project acknowledge the intersecting cultural and gendered identities of young Indigenous and culturally diverse women. Furthermore, Mana Wāhine and Masi methodological practices were adapted to the lives of young wāhine (i.e. use of social media methods; driving to pick up and drop off; t-shirts as koha). Through creating environments where they felt comfortable and respected, they were able to share their knowledge freely and authentically in ways that resonated with them. Existing within spaces where their voices are often not sought after or listened to (i.e. school, public spaces, policy, research), it was important to ensure that they were always welcomed, acknowledged, supported, appreciated and valued. We contend that the Mana Wāhine and Masi methodology principles and values implemented in our research empowered the young wāhine by creating environments that felt familiar to them and they were able to engage authentically in their own ways.

Final reflections

Weaving Mana Wahine and Masi Methodology was no easy feat and it required listening and responding to the multiplicities of the cultural and gendered identities of the young wāhine. In so doing, the metaphorical process of ‘weaving’ required the researcher/s to ‘feel’ the embodied, ethical and culturally appropriate responses to and with the young wāhine. There is a weight of responsibility that comes with this work, and such approaches cannot be directly replicated. While always guided by the dual strands of Mana Wahine and Masi methodologies, there were times when one strand took greater significance, but always as part of the whole. The metaphor of weaving is powerful and useful here and we acknowledge that the researcher/s is/are integral to the process. The final product will be shaped by the aroha,²⁶ care and culturally-specific approaches used with and for their community. Using the words of Pihama (2020), we agree that ‘we must not allow the colonial preoccupation with finding the singular “truth” deter us from seeking forms of analysis that can support the affirmation of our roles, status and positioning’ (353). While the processes detailed in this paper are specific to the communities of young Māori and Pacific wāhine, we hope that others can take our learnings into consideration as they weave their own research in ways that are responsive to the multiplicities within and for their own communities.

This paper contributes to a growing body of literature focused on developing culturally-specific feminist methodologies with and for Indigenous and culturally diverse young women in sport and exercise (Aarti et al. 2017; McGuire-Adams 2020a). Applying Indigenous feminist methodologies are necessary to create environments and spaces that feel comfortable, respectful and familiar for young Indigenous and culturally diverse women. This allows their authentic lived experiences to be valued and acknowledged. Contextualising the experiences and finding culturally-specific methodologies for amplifying the voices of young Indigenous women is not only necessary for producing richer qualitative data, but also for providing accurate representations of who these young women are and what their needs and hopes might be.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Additional information

Notes on contributors

Mihi Nemani

Mihi Nemani is a current PhD Candidate at the University of Waikato, Aotearoa, New Zealand. Her research focuses on the experiences of young Māori and Pasifika wāhine in physical activity, sport and fitness. As a Māori-Samoan woman her lived experiences in Māori and Pacific communities in Aotearoa provide insider nuanced perspectives for qualitative research with these communities.

Holly Thorpe

Holly Thorpe (she/her) is a Professor in the Sociology of Sport and Physical Culture at the University of Waikato, Aotearoa, New Zealand. Her research focuses on sport, physical culture and gender, and she continues to seek new innovations in social theory, qualitative methods, and representational styles to better understand the complexities of moving bodies and sporting cultures.

Keaka Hemi

Keakaokawai Varner Hemi is the first Assistant Vice Chancellor Pacific appointed by the University of Waikato. Her research interest areas include Pacific peoples and the law, Pacific and indigenous education rights, and equality and non-discrimination in relation to indigenous peoples.

Anna Rolleston

Anna Rolleston is a kaupapa Māori health researcher and practitioner specialising in the integration of Māori ways of knowing and being with western science and medicine. Her research spans the breadth of health, but with a strong focus on heart health, long term conditions and co-design methodologies.

Notes

1. Māori are the Indigenous people of Aotearoa.

2. Pasifika is a word often used by Pacific People who live in Aotearoa to describe themselves and their communities.

3. Wahine is woman; Wāhine is women.

4. A meeting to discuss, share, and deliberate.

5. Food.

6. We use the term culture to refer to the behaviours, attitudes, beliefs and practises of a group.

7. For clarity and consistency we will use Indigenous to represent Māori and Pasifika peoples.

8. The Māori word for young people or the younger generation. This usually refers to teenagers and young adults.

9. In this example the term bicultural means having mixed Māori and Pasifika ancestry.

10. Māori word for New Zealand European.

11. Relates to conversation that has Indigenous cultural meaning for Indigenous Australians.

12. Kaupapa Māori is research conducted with, for and by Māori.

13. Talanoa is a Pacific research methodology and method used by many Pacific scholars as it is flexibly used across Pacific ethnic groups and embraces cultural values, attitudes, and practices. As a method it is used to generate and share conversations and knowledge while creating relationships (Vaioleti 2013).

14. The Māori word for talk or discuss.

15. Pseudonyms are used in this article.

16. Full ethics approval was obtained and all participants provided consent.

17. A suburb in Wellington, Aotearoa.

18. Relationships and connection.

19. Students we refer to attend the educational institution where the first author works. We did not recruit current students.

20. The concept of lifting each other up.

21. Immediate and extended family and/or groups of people who view and treat each other as though they were family.

22. Face-to-face meeting.

23. A term used by the young wāhine to describe their actions of going to train at a gym or fitness centre.

24. A phrase used to describe the action of packing food away after a meal for guests to take home and consume later.

25. Gift or donation.

26. Māori word for Love.