Male migration and decision making: are women finally being included?

Abstract

In a mixed methods interdisciplinary case study approach, this paper explores the role of decision making for women who remain in their rural communities when male migration is considered and, on occasion, acted upon. In a unique approach in the field of migration studies, this paper considers not only women whose husbands have migrated – absent husbands – but also the impact of male migration on women whose husbands have returned – most often from the United States – as well as women whose husbands have never left – anchored husbands. The findings from this study of women in San Juan Guelavía, Oaxaca, Mexico, suggest that women’s involvement in migration decision making pertaining to imminent or potential emigration of husbands remains, in large part, the domain of husbands, but generational differences are shown that may begin to erode men’s traditional patriarchal role. Women with anchored husbands often implement strategies – consciously or subconsciously – to retain husbands in the home and with the family, especially if decision making power is weak on the part of wives.

Keywords:

• migration
• emigration
• gender
• decision making
• Mexico
• Oaxaca

Notes

1. The terms ‘emigration’ and ‘emigrate’ refer specifically to an individual’s departure from one geographical area to another with the intention to work and live in another geographic area – in this case, from Mexico primarily to the United States. The terms ‘migration’ and ‘migrate’ are general terms of movement not necessarily from one side of the border to the other nor from any one specific context, and are often used interchangeably with ‘emigration’ and ‘emigrate.’

2. Men’s weaker ties is derived from the assumption that a growing family requires more resources, often thought to be more accessible in the United States and thus, financially maintaining and providing for a family becomes a growing and expanding need with the birth of more children.

3. The calculation is my own generated from 2005 INEGI census data using Cohen’s 12 communities. Of the 12 communities, one community, San Lorenzo Albarradas, had 50% male/50% female; the other 11 communities had more females than males with Santa Ines Yatzeche being the most extreme with 42% men and 58% women.

4. The INEGI II Conteo de Población y Vivienda 2005 (Census of Population and Housing) (http://www.inegi.org.mx/sistemas/mexicocifras/default.aspx?ent=20) shows an average of 3.8 members living in each ‘home,’ with a pueblo population of 3047. The 71 surveys for this research project revealed an average of 4.4 residents per home, thus calculating a population of 2499.

5. This data came from the Censo de Población (Population Census) survey from the Centro de Salud (Health Center) of San Juan Guelavía, 2009.

6. Many ‘homes’ in rural Oaxaca include more than one residence or living area. Survey data were gathered with the ‘woman of the home’ as considered by the member of the family (or first adult) to answer the door. In compounds where a grandmother, mother, and/or one or more daughters or daughters-in-law resided, the person or persons who answered the door made the determination as to whom they considered as the ‘woman of the home.’ This occurred naturally and without additional explanation needed.

7. All survey and interview respondents were female with responses conveyed only from the wife or female partner’s perspective. The husband or partner’s perspective was beyond the scope of this study. This could offer an opportunity for further study.

8. Two women, 3%, had husbands that had emigrated domestically and were living in other parts of Mexico – not previously mentioned in anecdotes or experiences expressed by Guelavíans. With ‘absence,’ a more pronounced and important variable than destination, the two women’s data were entered as wives with ‘absent husbands.’

9. Survey results are derived from women’s age, women’s perspective, and women’s responses. It is not assumed that men’s age at emigration correlates with women’s age or that both reside in the same age category. When piloting the survey, men’s birth date was asked, but with the first two women unable to answer the question and a third quickly running back into the home to ask her husband the date of his birth, I chose to delete the question. Men’s age at the time of marriage was recorded, however, and was calculated at 24.7 years compared to women’s 20.8 years on average. Therefore, it can be assumed that men’s age falls just minimally above women’s. However, all surveys were conducted with women with data results offered by women as the woman’s age at the time of migration, not necessarily the age of their husbands.

10. Guelavía also includes a significant number of abandoned and vacant homes, some that appear that entire families have left but also empty homes in various stages of construction inferring that income is used to construct homes as future residences for absent migrant families. Families that may have lived in these homes or may choose to live in the new homes in the future are beyond the parameters of this study, but the presence of unoccupied homes is acknowledged and offers future opportunities of study.

11. Due to rounding, some figures sum to more than 100%.

12. All communication with women was in Spanish; all comments and quotes by women are translated to English.

13. Remittances for women with returned husbands could not be calculated due to varying years that husbands were in the US as well as women being challenged to offer an average; most seemed unfamiliar with the term ‘average’ in a mathematical sense. The question was deleted after initial piloting of the survey instrument.

14. Two responses about ‘another woman’ to the question as to why women thought that they do not currently or did not previously receive remittances were offered: nine percent responded ‘Another women,’ and 14% responded, ‘Another woman and spends money on himself.’