What is news? Exploring differences in how younger and older cohorts use news in today’s media environment

ABSTRACT

This study investigated how younger and older cohorts used news to meet their needs. It used diaries and focus groups with 25 New Zealanders to examine their news sources, characteristics of news they valued, and factors influencing their consumption. Using content analysis, this information was analysed through the lenses of news values and uses and gratifications theory. The findings showed news maintained a critical role in giving people information they wanted to know. Younger participants spent more than half of their time consuming news from non-traditional news sources and valued timeliness and shareability of news. Older participants generally used traditional news sources and had greater interest in elite persons, local news, and news that elicited emotion. Participants emphasised news credibility, suggesting veracity and live news are potential new news values. However, this study suggests personalised news consumption will disrupt the direct journalist/audience relationship and impact understanding of news value frameworks.

KEYWORDS:

• Content analysis
• focus groups
• uses and gratifications
• news values

News is critical to understanding our environment and participating in society yet it can have many meanings. News is perceived as a trusted source for factual and true information predominantly from the journalism industry (Park, Fisher, Flew, & Dulleck, 2020) and has gained special status for its role in informing citizens of what they need to know (Rantanen, 2009; Vraga & Edgerly, 2023). However, this status is under threat as new forms of news emerge and audiences’ interactions with news change.

There is now a significant amount of news available at anytime, anywhere, and in multiple formats, giving audiences more control over what they consume and when. News coverage has become contemporaneous, giving commentary on events as they occur in real time (Karlsson, 2011; Sheller, 2015). News expectations have changed; younger generations have grown up used to digital media and are highly personalised and mobile news consumers (Fedeli & Matsa, 2018; Harcup, 2023; Newman, Fletcher, Eddy, Robertson, & Nielsen, 2023). As audiences use social media for other purposes they are increasingly using it as their main source of news and to engage in discussion, leading to multi-faceted news consumption (Choi, 2016; Haw, 2020).

Audiences generally trust in traditional news to provide credible and factual information (Hermida, 2015; Tsfati & Ariely, 2014). However, the growth of ‘fake news’ (potentially misleading information) and the speed of digital content distribution can impact on audiences’ perceived levels of trust, as journalists compete to produce timely and verified information (Hermida, 2015). Audiences with low levels of trust tend to prefer non-mainstream news sources (Fletcher & Park, 2017; Park et al., 2020) and selective news consumption can further erode trust of traditional media. As audiences have more choice and control over their news consumption, they may question the veracity of news, become overwhelmed, or intentionally avoid news altogether (de Bruin, Vliegenthart, Kruikemeier, & de Haan, 2024; Park, 2019).

There is a research gap in understanding the motivations of younger and older audiences in their news consumption and the particular characteristics of news that meets their needs. Understanding what audiences recognise as news and what they do with it can provide theoretical definitions of news and support communication and journalism researchers. It can better connect audiences to news, making them more informed about issues that are important to them (Edgerly, 2022). This study took place at a time of high media coverage of Queen Elizabeth II’s death in September 2022, and as such, provides a unique opportunity to examine these issues.

This study used news values theory and uses and gratification theory as frameworks for analysing perceptions of news. News values theory describes the characteristics of news and the criteria that underlie judgements about what makes the news. Uses and gratifications theory examines how audiences use mass media to meet their needs and receive gratifications (Papacharissi & Mendelson, 2011, p. 213). Both theories were developed before the digital transformation of news and have been applied to new forms of media. This study explores whether they are still useful in our understanding of news, and whether they can be used to identify news consumption differences between younger and older audiences.

Review of the literature

News is considered to be information about an event that is interesting, true, current and important (Bednarek, 2016; Bednarek & Caple, 2017; Carey, 1989). It provides vital information and maintains social and cultural contexts (Alexander, 2006; Bird & Dardenne, 1988; Shoemaker, 1996). More formally, news is factual and legitimate information produced by journalists as news products (Bogart, 1981; Schudson, 2001). Audiences can distinguish news from other types of information (Edgerly & Vraga, 2019). When news is seen to be propaganda, advertising or a political view not based on facts audiences may use the term ‘fake news’ to distinguish it from other news (Tong, Gill, Li, Valenzuela, & Rojas, 2020). News value theory is a framework for determining the newsworthiness of a story and its appeal to audiences (Koch, 1990). A longitudinal study (Park, 2019) showed that over time, journalists have had ways of determining what makes the news but formal news values were not codified until the 20^th century. Focusing on newspapers and broadcast news, in 1965 Galtung and Ruge identified a set of news values as predictors of news selection and audience interest. They described 12 news values: frequency, threshold, unambiguity, meaningfulness, consonance, unexpectedness, continuity, composition, reference to elite nations, reference to elite people, reference to specific individuals, and reference to negative consequences (Galtung & Ruge, 1965, pp. 70–71). The theory proposed that journalists selected events based on the number, the intensity, and the relative weight of the individual news factors (Ziegele & Quiring, 2013).

Since this seminal study news values have continued to be re-defined and modified to the changing media environment. Harcup and O’Neill (2001) proposed updated values: the power elite, celebrity, entertainment, surprise, bad news, good news, magnitude, relevance, follow-up, and a story that fits the news organisation’s agenda. Brighton and Foy (2007) suggested news values are ‘often intangible, informal, almost unconscious elements’ (p. 1) and proposed seven new news values: relevance, topicality, composition, expectation, unusualness, worth, and external influences (p. 26). A further study by Harcup and O’Neill (2017) resulted in a new set of news values: exclusivity, bad news, conflict, surprise, audio-visuals, shareability, entertainment, drama, follow-up, the power elite, relevance, magnitude, celebrity, good news, and the news organisation’s agenda (p. 1482). Bednarek, Caple, and Huan (2021) examined news values in the context of the wider news distribution and suggested four perspectives: the material perspective of the event, the cognitive perspectives of the journalist, the social perspectives of the journalist, and the discursive perspective: how images and text are used. Kristensen and Bro (2023) suggest the choice of news article has led to new news values such as measuring audience experience, measuring audience behaviour (concepts of shareability of news) and the expected algorithmic behaviour, meaning the article continues to achieve more impact.

Another way of examining newsworthiness, proposed by Shoemaker and Cohen (2005), focused on concepts of deviance and social significance as separate predictors of newsworthiness. Deviance refers to a characteristic of people, ideas, or events that sets them apart from others in their society. Social significance refers to the impact on a social system. If an item contains both, it results in an accentuated level of newsworthiness. The four elements of social significance include economic, cultural, public, and political dimensions, and the three elements of deviance include statistical, social change, and normative. News values in the social significance dimension include importance, impact, consequence, or interest. The deviance dimension includes news values of novelty, oddity, conflict, controversy, and sensationalism (Armstrong, McAdams, & Cain, 2015).

News values need to be considered within the current environment of an abundance of news, societal change, globalisation, and ongoing technological changes and their link to audiences’ selection and retention of news (Eilders, 2006). Audience characteristics such as age, sex, or cultural identity may also have an impact on what audiences consider to be news.

Uses and gratifications theory focuses on audience need

Uses and gratifications theory proposes audiences are motivated to choose media to meet their specific needs and to obtain gratifications such as surveillance, information seeking, and keeping up with others (Katz, Blumler, & Gurevitch, 1974; Katz, Haas, & Gurevitch, 1973; McQuail, Blumler, & Brown, 1972). The categories of needs include: cognitive, affective, personal integrative, social integrative, and escape or cathartic (Katz et al., 1973). The theory was developed in the traditional media environment and has been used to study new forms of media. The differences in the current media environment are that audiences are exposed to large amounts of news, they can use tools to automate consumption based on their interest (Bastian, Helberger, & Makhortykh, 2021; Martens, De Wolf, De Marez, & Berendt, 2023) and they can consume information from multiple sources simultaneously (Pentina & Tarafdar, 2014; Tallam, 2021). Audiences can produce their own news, participate in a news story or online discussions, and influence future editorial decisions by clicking, liking, sharing, and commenting on news (Bergström & Belfrage, 2018). Audiences can control what news they receive and how they distribute and share it. Sharing news via social media channels increases the responsiveness and immediacy of the distribution of information, significantly changing news consumption when compared to consumption from traditional media sources (Lasica, 2003; Singer, 2011). These activities increase the role of news as a social activity and allow audiences to build their own repertoire of news sources (Lowenstein-Barkai & Lev-On, 2021; Picone, 2016).

The changes in audience participation can influence the development of news and newsworthiness (Domingo, 2019; Paulussen, 2016; Singer, 2014) and have led to additional audience needs. These include: modality (different forms of content), author agency to share content, interactivity, and increasing navigation to find news of interest (Sundar & Limperos, 2013). Journalists’ understanding of audience motivations for news can assist with understanding these new forms of audience participation (Meijer & Kormelink, 2021; Ruggiero, 2000) and how to produce news within this environment.

Current themes in media consumption

The relevance of the news values framework and uses and gratifications theory need to be considered in the modern news environment. For example, have new news values emerged from digital news and have others disappeared? How have news uses and gratifications changed, and are there differences among audience cohorts? Researchers have shown young people’s interest in traditional media sources is declining, and their news consumption on social media and new forms of media is increasing (Bengtsson & Johansson, 2020; Notley, Dezuanni, Zhong, & Howden, 2017; Swart, 2023). The 2022 Digital News Report stated 39% of 18–24-year-olds use social media as their main source of news (Eddy, 2022). The 2023 Digital News Report showed younger people preferred searching and news aggregators over news websites (Newman et al., 2023). Younger audiences consume less news, use mobile devices more for news and often consume news on more than one device (Lowenstein-Barkai & Lev-On, 2021).

In regard to news characteristics, young people were more likely to be interested in timeliness, items of personal interest, necessary information, and entertaining information or opinions (Armstrong et al., 2015; Galan, Osserman, Parker, & Taylor, 2019; Papathanassopoulos et al., 2013). Younger audiences also want to see information about and relevant to their social group as it increases its ‘news-ness’ (Vraga & Edgerly, 2023). Patterns of news consumption change as the news environment changes and as consumer needs develop. There have always been generational differences in news consumption, as audiences’ needs for news change throughout life and because audiences often form media consumption habits in their late teens and early 20s (Antunovic, Parsons, & Cooke, 2018; Meijer & Kormelink, 2021). However, the the 2022 Digital News Report (Eddy, 2022) suggests these differences are becoming more fundamental, with younger people (those aged 18–35) becoming more casual and less loyal news users.

With the increasing use of video, new technologies, and social media, audiences have a greater need to see information about events as they happen (Ilan, 2021). Ephemeral social media content can lead to positive immediacy gratifications, including a sense of presence and an experience of reality (Omar, 2014). As live content has become more popular on these platforms, audiences expect live coverage of news (Tandoc et al., 2018). Live content can also be linked to the issue of trust and authenticity in news. Studies have shown trust in news is generally lower among those who use social media for news and the level of trust depends on how people find news on social media, whether intentionally or accidentally, and their ability to recognise the source of the message (Kalogeropoulos, Suiter, Udris, & Eisenegger, 2019; Newman et al., 2021; Park & Lee, 2023; Park, Fisher, McGuinness, Lee, & McCallum, 2021). Research by Fletcher and Park (2017) showed that in 11 countries, a preference for non-traditional news sources (digital outlets, blogs, or social media) was found to be associated with low levels of trust in news.

This study used New Zealand audiences to explore these themes in news consumption. New Zealand is a Western-style democracy with a population of around five million people. New Zealanders have a high interest in news and are consuming less news from traditional media and more from digital media (Ministry of Culture and Heritage, 2022; Myllylahti & Treadwell, 2023). A NZ On Air survey (2021) showed TVNZ News (television news) was the most widely used and trusted news source, followed by Stuff.co.nz (news website), NZ Herald (news website and newspaper), Radio NZ (radio), and Three NewsHub (television news). Since 2020 general trust in news has declined from 53% to 42% and New Zealand has a higher percentage of news avoiders than other comparable countries (Myllylahti & Treadwell, 2023). New Zealand was suitable for this study because diary data entry and focus group studies could be held in a similar media context, while still providing individual perspectives on characteristics of news. The results could also indicate reasons for the lowering levels of trust in news and increasing news avoidance within a specific context.

Research questions

The technological and societal changes in news have the potential to change audiences’ understanding of news and their motivations for seeking out news. Audiences are consuming an increasing amount of news from multiple sources, and may find it difficult to find news that meets their needs. There is a research gap in understanding the motivations of younger and older audiences in their news consumption and the particular characteristics of news that meets their needs. The aim of this research is to better understand how news is defined, whether the characteristics of news need to be reconsidered, and what differences exist in the characteristics of news consumption between younger and older audiences. This study uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis to explore, within the New Zealand environment, the following research questions:

RQ1:

What news sources are used by news audiences?

RQ2:

What is news, for young and older news audiences?

RQ3:

What are the different news values between old and young generations of news consumers?

RQ4:

What needs are being met with news?

Method

Participants and procedures

Quantitative methods are commonly used to study news values and uses and gratifications as they can generate discussion and gain audiences’ meanings on concepts (Antunovic et al., 2018; Lunt & Livingstone, 1996). For this study qualitative methods were used, specifically focus groups and diaries, alongside open coding, to explore the concepts of news and enable a broader discussion. Conventional qualitative methods were chosen to obtain detailed information about people’s news consumption, explore the existing theories on news consumption and explore any gaps in these theories (Croucher & Cronn-Mills, 2019).

Twenty-five people participated in focus groups to explore their definition of news, the news sources they use, what they do with news, and any emotional responses they had to news. Participants were recruited by a research company, and all had participated in other forms of research (but not on this topic). Their previous experience meant they were used to online focus groups and discussing issues with people they didn’t know. The recruitment ensured a range of participants across ages, gender, geographical locations and ethnicities. They were given a small incentive to participate in the study and sent reminders during the week of the diary data collection.

Data was collected on demographics (age, sex, ethnicity, and level of education), time spent on news sources each day, and the most used media source. Each person was asked to complete a media diary and participate in a focus group. The mixed-methods approach was chosen to collect daily data on news consumption and explore this in the focus groups. The New Zealand environment provides a common context for the participants’ discussion. The participants were 13 men and 12 women, with nine participants aged 26 years and under, and 16 participants aged over 26 years. The age of 26 was chosen as the cut-off because people aged between 18 and 26 are in transition to adult life and they are a key group for forming media consumption habits (Antunovic et al., 2018; Valenzuela, Bachmann, & Aguilar, 2019). The ethnicity makeup was 15 New Zealand European, one British, three Asian, four Māori, and two Pasifika. All information was collected in line with the appropriate privacy and ethical standards and the study complied with appropriate university codes of ethics.

Participants kept a diary of their news consumption in an online spreadsheet in hourly units from 6 am Monday, 5 September 2022 until 11.59 pm Sunday, 11 September 2022. They recorded what news they used, when, and whether they took action as a result of news. They noted the time, source, and topic of their news consumption. They also identified three items each day that they considered news. As this led to data on both news topics and news sources, this information was not categorised. The weakness of diaries is participants’ ability to recall all their activities. In this case, many of the participants were habitual news consumers and could recall the main sources and topics during the week. The diaries provided data to assist participants’ recall during the focus groups. Two participants were unable to complete the diaries due to changed personal circumstances but attended the focus groups.

The diary information was collated by person, time and date, and news source. Each item was listed against the specified time. If more than one source was listed, these were listed at separate times. News sources used were counted as units (for one mention in an hour) and were categorised into traditional media New Zealand, traditional media international, social media, and new media and units were counted across the week. Traditional sources were formal branded journalism news sources, in New Zealand and overseas. Social media included platforms where people could connect and comment, and new media were other forms of news that didn’t fit into the other categories like YouTube and Telegram. There were occasions where participants accessed traditional news sources within these platforms; however the aim of the research was to identify the primary place that people went to for news. Each time was considered as a unit, and the units were totalled for each person, each news source, and for each day. With the news sources by person and day, these were converted to percentages for each person, and then averaged over the week, to normalise the data and manage a participant’s strong liking for a news source. Items were only analysed if there was a specific news source or type mentioned.

Participants took part in online five-person focus groups for 1.5 hours within two weeks of the diary collection week. The facilitator covered what participants considered news, where they got news from, and what actions they took as a result of the news, and what emotions they experienced. All interviews of the focus groups were recorded and transcribed. Using content analysis, the results were sorted into audiences’ definitions of news, actions from news, and feelings/emotions from news consumption. The focus of this study is on the definition of news. From the focus groups, 203 comments were collated and categories emerged as the data was coded. If a comment had two characteristics (for example, news was relevant and timely), it was included in two categories. A second analysis was completed on characteristics identified that impacted the choice of news source. Instead of being counted individually, the comments were consolidated back into the individual participants to establish how many people raised the issue as a consideration in their choice of news source.

Findings

News sources used by New Zealanders

The first research question explored what news sources were used by participants. They listed 63 news sources and 648 units of consumption over the week. Of the 23 participants, 22 consumed news on at least six out of seven days. The format of news was: 56% online news sources (including social media, videos and podcasts), 25% television, 16% radio, 2% newspapers, and 1% news from other people.

When the units of consumption were analysed by the media category (Table 1), 73% were traditional New Zealand and overseas journalistic news sources, 18% were social media, and 9% were new media sources. A breakdown by age cohort showed more than half (56%) of the news consumption by the younger cohort was of non-traditional news sources. The units of traditional news sources (New Zealand and overseas) used by those aged under 26 was 44%, compared to 83% for those aged 26 and older. The units of social media sources used by those aged under 26 was 35% and the units of new media sources (e.g. Google News, YouTube) was 21%. This compares to 12% and 5% for the older cohort, respectively.

Table 1. Units of consumption, by news sources category and age.

News source category	Under 26 – total number of units	Under 26 – percentage	26 and over – total number of units	26 and over – percentage	Total units	Percentage of total units
New media	35	21%	24	5%	59	9%
Social media	59	35%	58	12%	117	18%
Traditional International	11	6%	45	10%	56	9%
Traditional New Zealand	65	38%	351	73%	416	64%
Total	170	100%	478	100%	648	100%

Analysis of units of consumption by news source (Table 2) showed the top five news sources were: news website Stuff.co.nz, television news TVNZ News, Facebook, news website New Zealand Herald, and television news NewsHub. The similarity of these results to Myllylahti and Treadwell’s (2023) study (which had the same top five news sources but had NewsHub ahead of the New Zealand Herald website) reinforces what we know about news sources New Zealanders use and shows this group is broadly representative of the New Zealand population. Social media and new media ranked number 3 (Facebook), number 8 (YouTube), number 9 (Google News) and number 10 (Instagram). Out of this top 10 source list, traditional media sources make up 72% (by units of consumption), social media sources 19% and new media 9%.

Table 2. Top 10 most-visited news sources, by units of consumption, from participants’ diaries.

News source	Type of outlet	Number of uses – Participants aged 26 and under	Number of uses – Participants aged over 26	Total numbers of uses	Percentage of total uses in top 10
Stuff.co.nz	Traditional New Zealand media	13	66	79	17%
TVNZ news	Traditional New Zealand media	15	59	74	16%
Facebook	Social media	31	41	72	16%
NZ Herald website	Traditional New Zealand media	10	50	60	13%
NewsHub news	Traditional New Zealand media	13	31	44	10%
Radio NZ	Traditional New Zealand media	8	35	43	9%
Newstalk ZB	Traditional New Zealand media	0	31	31	7%
YouTube	New media	16	7	23	5%
Google news	New media	2	17	19	4%
Instagram	Social media	5	9	14	3%
Total		113	346	459	100%

When asked about their most frequently used news source, seven out of the nine younger participants named a social media platform and the older group cited radio, television and news websites. Usage of traditional New Zealand and overseas media sources increased on Friday, Saturday and Sunday with the coverage of Queen Elizabeth II’s death.

Several participants did not search specifically for news but used applications and notifications from news sites. One participant, a 23-year-old female, described notifications as an easier way of consuming news:

I never think, ‘I am going to see what is happening in news’. I’ll pull out my phone and go on Facebook, and it’s for other reasons. And then it pops up and gets my attention. So I’ll click it, but I don’t seek the news. It comes on the newsfeed. It’s easier than sitting down for an hour news show.

News organisations use tools such as X (formerly Twitter), live blogging, breaking news, rolling news, push notifications and news alerts to manage the timeliness of news within a very competitive market (Rom & Reich, 2020). The 2023 Digital News Report reports the rise of video-led platforms for news, which reflects users’ needs to see the news as it happens. A 52-year-old male said,

News is instantaneous. When I sit down and watch the evening news, the reality is that the majority of the news I’m watching, I’ve already managed to absorb and assimilate during the day.

In discussion on factors that influenced participants’ selection of news (Table 3), 23 noted that veracity was important, that is, news had to be factual, true, and trustworthy. Out of this group, 15 used reputable news sources because they were factual and trustworthy, four sought live news because it came straight from the source without what they perceived as the filter and delay associated with journalistic processes, two did not trust social media for news, and another two had doubts about the accuracy of all news sources due to journalism agendas and filters. Other factors influencing audiences’ news choices were being fully informed on a topic, being recommended news sources, what mood they were in, what news they needed at any given time, and personal preferences for the way content was presented. One participant, a 38-year-old male, said news needed to be verified to be news: ‘We hear so much now about fake news. If the item or the information hasn’t been verified or checked, then to me it’s not news’.

Table 3. Themes identified in focus groups that impacted on news selection.

Theme	Need (based on Katz, Haas, and Gurevitch (1973)	Perceived gratification	Number of participants who discussed this factor
Veracity of news choice – whether it could be relied on for truthful information	Cognitive needs	Knowing truthful information	23
News referrals – consuming news because others have sent it to them, or because algorithms deliver what they are interested in	Integrative needs	Knowing the content will be of interest	5
Balanced view – seeking news from many sources to make sure they are fully informed	Cognitive needs	Being fully informed	4
Mood of the participant – this indicated if they person wanted lighter or more entertaining news	Tension-release needs	Relaxation, entertainment, or being informed	2
Timeliness – the source was best for that time of day	Cognitive, affective or tension-release needs	Being up-to-date with the latest information	2
Format – participants have a preference for how news is presented e.g. visual appeal	Affective needs	Knowing the format will enable the audience to be informed	2

To ensure credibility participants selected news sources based on their needs and their prior knowledge and experience of the news source. If they had doubts about veracity they would find other news sources. On occasion, they sought live video news coverage to ensure credibility, for example, one participant switched from the New Zealand news on Queen Elizabeth II’s death to the BBC’s live coverage as she perceived it was more credible. Another participant, a 59-year-old-female, said:

In Russia, a reporter was live filming from one of the cities where they were fighting. I was pretty overwhelmed because she was in a building, helmet on, and with safety equipment. That she was coming live was quite amazing because you actually felt what was happening. You could hear sirens in the background.

Characteristics of news by the different age cohorts

To answer the second research question, ‘What is news, for young and older New Zealanders?’ the participants’ comments were coded into categories, based on the themes identified (see Table 4). Analysis of these news characteristics reveals similarities to the existing taxonomies of news values of Brighton and Foy (2007), Harcup and O’Neill (2017), and to the concepts of social significance and deviance (Shoemaker & Cohen, 2005). Over time, news has maintained its characteristics of relevance, emotional news (good/bad news), topicality, entertainment and celebrity/power elite and magnitude. News values such as conflict, surprise, and unusualness did not come through strongly in this study.

Table 4. Categories of news characteristics as identified in the focus groups.

Category identified from focus groups (what is news)	Shoemaker and Cohen (2005) - main categories of newsworthiness	Relates to news values identified by Brighton and Foy (2007)	Relates to news values identified by Harcup and O’Neill (2017)	Percentage of comments from the focus groups			Quotations from the focus groups
				26 and under	26 and over	Total
News is used to maintain and build social connections	Social significance	Relevance	Magnitude, shareability	25%	15%	18% n = 36	News makes you feel connected and you can talk to people about what is going on. (Male, 26)
News is factual and can be relied on for credibility.	Social significance	New category		19%	13%	15% n = 30	If the item or the information hasn’t been verified or checked, then to me it’s not news. (Male, 38)
News connects with audiences’ needs and interests.	Social significance	Relevance	Relevance	12%	12%	12% n = 25	News is a piece of information that interests me. I won’t read it if it doesn’t interest me. (Male, 22)
News is about celebrities/elite people	Social significance, deviance	Worth, unusualness, external influencers	Entertainment, drama	7%	11%	10% n = 20	We were talking about the Royals and I consider parts of it news, like how it’s going to affect the world having Charles as King and all the things that go along with it. (Female, 47)
News elicits and an emotional response	Social significance, deviance	Relevance, unusualness	Surprise, entertainment, drama, unusualness	5%	10%	8% n = 17	You can’t be heartless and turn away from what is happening in the world today. (Female, 37)
News tells people about local events and activities.	Social significance, deviance	Topicality, expectation	Topicality	4%	9%	7% n = 15	I need news to tell me what is going on locally. (Female, 40)
News is live, as the event is happening	Social significance	New category		4%	7%	6% n = 12	News can be live and you can actually see first-hand, what’s happening. (Male, 37)
News is entertaining	Social significance, deviance	Unusualness, worth, external influencers	Entertainment, drama	4%	7%	6% n = 12	News can be entertaining. But I think, in the old olden days, pre-internet, news was far, far more clearly defined. (Male, 45)
News is topical, current, new or timely.	Social significance	Topicality	Relevance	11%	4%	6% n = 12	It was great to watch the full day coverage from One News as soon as the Queen passed away, but it was nice to watch BBC live because it’s direct from the source. (Female, 37)
News has meaning because it impacts a lot of people	Social significance, deviance	Relevance, expectation, unusualness	Magnitude	5%	5%	5% n = 11	News is something that is applicable to a wide group of people and projects information in an accurate way. (Male, 21)
News has many viewpoints	Social significance	Composition	Relevance	0%	3%	2% n = 5	If you seeing a video of something that happened, everyone’s got their phones these days, and everything’s captured, so you can see different views on things. (Female, 40)
News is negative information	Social significance, deviance	Unusualness	Bad news, conflict	4%	1%	2% n = 4	I had a discussion with my team members about how a lot of the news is quite negative. (Female, 25)
News is a commercial product.	Social significance, deviance	External influences	News organisation’s agenda	2%	2%	2% n = 4	You’ve got clickbait titles and images that really make people question them and they can be used as a tool to share stories, or even get more clicks, just to generate more money. (Male, 21)
Total				100%	100%	100%

Of the 203 relevant comments on characteristics, 146 came from participants over 26 years of age and 57 from participants under the age of 26. Audiences under 26 years of age spent around half their time on news from social media and new media and they were more likely to question the veracity of information. They used news to obtain facts, for information that was personally relevant, and for social connection. To address potential information overload and concerns about veracity, the younger cohort had highly curated consumption methods. They used apps, news alerts and notifications based on areas of interest to receive the news they wanted. This can be explained by the persuasive use of mobile phones, the constant connection to social media platforms (with news on them) and the need to see information produced by others (Boczkowski, Mitchelstein, & Matassi, 2018).

In regard to the third research question on news values, the four themes of news being a social connection, factual, relevant and topical made up almost 70% of the comments from participants aged under 26 years and 44% of the comments from those over 26. Three participants had routine consumption patterns of watching television news with their families. One participant said she shared news if she thought it would be of interest to her friends, but did not necessarily read the entire article herself. Maintaining social connection supports users’ social and personal integrative needs and results in the gratification of social communication for example, one participant informed her entire family that Queen Elizabeth II had died, to make sure they were up-to-date.

The three areas where the older age cohort had a higher percentage of comments than the younger cohort were celebrities/elite persons, local news, and news that elicited an emotional response. The celebrity and emotional traits emerged as participants discussed Queen Elizabeth II’s death. Interest in local news and celebrities/elite persons may reflect the type of information needed at different stages of life. Timeliness and topicality of news were of less interest for the older cohort group, with lower percentages for news being topical and needing to watch news live.

Needs being met by news consumption

In answer to the fourth research question on what needs are being met with news, participants used news to obtain gratifications such as surveillance, information-seeking, and keeping up with others. News topics included the death of Queen Elizabeth II, the war between Russia and Ukraine, national and local politics, crime and safety, the economy, and sports. Sixteen participants (65%) said the death of Queen Elizabeth II was a clear example of news because of its magnitude, impact on New Zealand as a country, and its emotional impact on audiences. News was used for practical information, such as finding out the price of groceries, bank interest rates, upcoming events, and preparing for emergencies. Several participants belonged to groups to keep up with their sports, hobbies, or community groups. In regard to using news to keep up with others, 18% of comments were on participants using news to maintain and build social connections with friends, family, colleagues, and other groups of interest.

The findings from this study align with the trends seen in research regarding use of news sources, how people access news, and the news topics that are of interest to audiences (based on the news values research). Given the small sample size for this study, the findings are predominantly of a qualitative nature. However, to provide context a quantitative analysis has also been carried out.

Quantitative findings

Traditional news sources were still dominant (73% of the units of consumption) alongside the use of social media and new media. The results showed the dominance of New Zealand’s well-established main news websites, television and radio platforms, and an increased use of overseas traditional news sources later in the diary week, following the death of Queen Elizabeth 11. The top 10 news sources showed participants were using Facebook, YouTube, Google and Instagram as news aggregators, viewing a range of news on these platforms.

Participants’ perceptions of news were that it was factual and personally relevant information. They also described it as being used for social connection, evoking emotion, and covering celebrities/elite persons. It also covered local activities, was live, timely, and impacted many people. The results support the assumptions of uses and gratifications theory that audiences choose news sources to meet their needs and obtain gratifications such as entertainment/diversion, surveillance, personal identity, and personal relationships. As a 37-year-old female said, ‘News is to update myself on the current events around the world. It’s just new information that’s come in’. Within an environment of many news sources, participants chose news content and the format based on the gratifications they were seeking (for example, in-depth analysis, entertainment, or using news to form social connections via social media).

Qualitative findings

Live news and credibility are emerging news values

In answering the second question of what is news for young and older New Zealanders, many of the identified characteristics of news were consistent with the seminal news values theories. Examples of this were ‘news is anything that’s happened recently that’s topical or of interest to the public’, ‘news affects big groups of people:’, ‘news is a piece of information that interests me’ and ‘news is about knowing what’s going on, both in your backyard, nationally and internationally’. Alongside more traditional news values such as relevance, timeliness and magnitude, live news and credibility emerged as new news values. They both influence whether audiences consumed news and the value of news to them. Audiences sought live news for immediate gratifications and to maintain the sense of reality they received from their other digital media use such as social media (Omar, 2014). The need for immediate news is a result of technological changes shortening the time between an event and its news coverage and technology allowing reporting from anywhere at any time.

These emerging values of live news and credibility impact news values theory as this study suggests that even if the news items have other news values, audiences may still judge their value by their perceptions of the credibility of the items. News values are also based on journalists’ understanding of what resonates with audiences but this relationship is being interrupted by personalised forms of news consumption. Audiences may use tools such as notifications to only select certain types of news, for example, only sports or entertainment or use other controls (for example, news aggregators) to draw on many information sources to survey their environment. Hermida (2010) refers to these new information gathering systems as ambient journalism. They may choose news based on sources, topics or format of news. Consuming news in this way requires understanding news literacy and technological literacy (Chan, Lee, & Chen, 2021; Vraga, Tully, Maksl, Craft, & Ashley, 2020).

These differences in how we consume news can be seen when we compare the news consumption of the older and younger cohorts in this study. The reasons behind the older cohort’s use of more traditional news sources may reflect ritualised news behaviour over time, ingrained habits and trust in these sources (Peters, 2019). This cohort has established relationships with these sources to provide information to reduce uncertainty in their environment (Ostertag, 2020), whereas the younger cohort may still be testing sources that meet their needs. Fewer older participants mentioned factual accuracy as important, potentially because of their prior experience of receiving accurate information in traditional media. They may also prefer traditional media because it has local relevant news and meets their need to share reliable information in social settings.

In regards to what is news for the different cohorts, both groups used news for surveillance, searching for information, and learning about their environment. In terms of news values the younger cohort focused on personal and specific interests, while the older cohort had broader interests including local activities and general participation in society (e.g. voting in the local elections). These differences between younger and older cohorts may be the result of generational differences in motivations, for example, young people’s personal and social interests compared to the older cohort’s interest in wider participation in society (Boulianne & Shehata, 2022). The findings are also consistent with Vrada and Edgerly’s (2023) findings that audiences seek out news that is about, and relevant to, people of their age and social group. This research signals that news consumption has evolved from traditional mass media to a more immediate, personal and interactive experience. Given this developing trend, news values as a theoretical approach may need to become more fluid to adapt to the changing relationships audiences have with news.

The study suggested there are differences between female and male participants in their characterisation of news value. Female participants showed more interest in celebrities/elite persons, discussed emotional responses to news more than men, and used more social media and new media (such as Google news and non-mainstream news websites). However, more research would be needed to explore whether these gender differences are due to the nature of the news content or the ways female audiences engage with news.

Needs and gratifications

The fourth research question sought to identify what needs are being met by news consumption. Uses and gratifications is still a relevant framework as participants said they needed to be informed about their world and use news to connect with other people. This aligns with the core purpose of the uses and gratifications theory: surveillance, information seeking, and keeping up with others. News was used for obtaining useful information and to keep up with personal interests such as sports, hobbies, or community groups. News was used to maintain and build social connections with friends, family, and colleagues, resulting in the gratifications of social connection, being altruistic, and sharing useful information with others. Participants described feeling sad, happy, anxious, and entertained by news, and wanting to discuss this with others, for example, by sharing a funny, entertaining or sad news item. When audiences post their own images, videos and other content on news it increases their involvement with news and gives them more opportunities to show an emotional response (Meijer & Kormelink, 2015). News has always been emotional (Peters, 2011) but the accepted practices of using emotion in journalism and involving audiences more have become explicit. In practice, this means audiences are receiving more emotion in their news and then sharing this content, resulting in further social and emotional gratifications. This study showed social and emotional gratifications were more likely to be sought by younger and female participants.

This study identified additional factors that audiences use to select news to obtain their intended gratifications. These include judging the reliability and truthfulness of a news source, knowing they will receive accurate and fulfilling information, and being recommended a news source. In addition, audiences’ personal needs can impact news selection including mood, audiences’ needs at a particular time, and preferences for how content is presented, for example, video or text. The intended gratifications will be obtained if the audiences’ needs can be met following the choice of source. If there are questions about the veracity of information, audiences may choose other sources to receive their intended gratifications. This aligns with the uses and gratifications approach that audiences will continue to use media that meets their needs and change media forms if their needs are not being met. For example, some participants changed from a new media source to a traditional news source to check that a story was true. This suggests that audiences’ needs for understanding the veracity of their media choice sit alongside their other needs for surveillance, entertainment, social connection, and keeping up with others.

Limitations and conclusion

This study indicates the foundation of news lies in its ability to provide factual and relevant information to audiences that they can also use to maintain social connections. Given the small sample size, this study shows indicative trends rather than findings that can be generalised. The focus group had a small sample size of 25 participants and their perceptions were based on the New Zealand media environment in a week with a significant international news story (the death of Queen Elizabeth II). The study used self-reporting of news consumption habits, which can be limited by selective memory, misreporting, exaggeration, or different semantic interpretations.

Despite these limitations this study suggests indicative trends in media consumption. Audiences still use traditional media to meet their needs, and news values and uses and gratifications are relevant frameworks for understanding news consumption. Credibility is a key factor in audiences choosing news, making it an emerging news value. Credibility is based on the source’s reputation and the audience’s experience of that source. To satisfy needs for timeliness and credibility, audiences may follow an event as it is happening. Audiences are choosing news based on recommendations from people and social platforms, and their mood and preferences. Younger audiences are expanding their conceptual understanding of news, curating and searching for items of particular interest and moving to new forms of news. This is driven by an increased need for credible, timely and valuable information, to meet the needs for social connections and emotional gratifications.

This study indicates audiences want credible news to meet their needs and they want control and choice over their news consumption. News is maintaining its special status; however, younger audiences are using a more personalised approach to news consumption. This added level of personal choice has the potential to impact the theoretical understanding of new values. To maintain its position as reputable and trustworthy, the journalism industry needs to have practices to meet audiences’ needs at different stages in their lives. Journalism can also demonstrate the credibility of its news to help audiences select what they need to receive their intended gratifications (Tandoc et al., 2018). Further research could delve deeper into the emerging news values and explore the needs audiences have for news, particularly with younger age groups. This would assist the journalism industry to adapt news to ensure audiences receive the information they are seeking while maintaining credibility and trust in its products.

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).