Europe in the Procés: European (dis-)integration and Catalan secessionism

ABSTRACT

Europe remains an essentially contested project, in relation to its boundaries, institutions, and functional scope. In a context characterised by the detachment of key functions from the state, by legal pluralism and complex, overlapping transnational regimes, this article sheds light on the possibilities for plurinational accommodation in the evolving European order. Focusing on secessionist mobilisation, which is a major challenge to territorial integrity and the state, it explores how this plays out within the national and supranational order. Specifically, it explores how the discourses and frames around European institutions and (dis-)integration are built and evolved in the Catalan secessionist movement. In spite of strong variation of discourses across secessionist milieus, pessimistic narratives about the EU predominate, with a progressive estrangement between secessionists and European institutions – having in turn important implications for the prospects of a compromise solution.

KEYWORDS:

• European politics
• Catalonia
• secession
• multi-level governance

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

Notes

1 As Borrás-Alomar et al. point out,

the term ‘Europe of the Regions’ has almost become a commonplace in recent years. It has been promiscuously used to describe all types of activities which have some sort of relationship with subnational entities, and not always with purely altruistic purposes. It has been brandished by national and regional movements and parties in their quest for a greater share of power or as a theoretical argument on which to base their demands for independence. Within the European Community, it is seen as a tool of the Commission in its confrontation with the Council of Ministers over the enlargement of its authority. It has finally been waved by some national governments in order to support their pleas for more European funding for their territories. (1994, p. 1)

2 See Jones (2017).

3 Article 155 of the 1978 Spanish Constitution states that if a regional government

does not fulfil the obligations imposed upon it by the Constitution or other laws, or acts in a way seriously prejudicing the general interests of Spain, the Government … may, following approval granted by an absolute majority of the Senate, take the measures necessary in order to compel the latter forcibly to meet said obligations, or in order to protect the above-mentioned general interests. (1978 Spanish Constitution)

4 See FemCAT (2016). According to the 1978 Spanish Constitution, the central State holds exclusive competence over a number of matters, including international relations, customs and tariffs, foreign trade and the monetary system (1978 Spanish Constitution; ch. 3, art. 149).

5 For instance, see ABC (2017); Quitian (2017); Ríos (2018).

6 https://www.omnium.cat/en/omnium/.

7 Together with 16 other indicted former leaders of Catalonia (among which some former regional ministers), Jordi Cuixart and Jordi Sánchez, former presidents of the civil society organisations Òmnium Cultural and ANC, have been held in pre-trial detention since 16th October 2017 under provisional charges of sedition and rebellion, carrying sentences of up to 10 and 30 years in jail (della Porta et al., 2019a).

8 For further information, see https://www.nytimes.com/2018/11/28/world/europe/catalonia-oriol-junqueras-jail.html; see also della Porta et al. (2017b).

9 See Máiz (2012).

 

Additional information

Funding

This work was supported by Scuola Normale Superiore: [grant Democracy in the EU and the Potential of a European Society (DEMOS); PI Donatella della Porta].