King Amda Tsiyon (r.1314-1344) territorial expansion to the kingdom of Hadiya, South West Ethiopia

Abstract

This study aimed to reconstruct the early history of the Hadiya Kingdom. With the rise of the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural expedition of the Christian kingdom to the south began. The political geography, an early campaign of the Christian kingdom against the Kingdom of Hadiya, its impact on the kingdom of Hadiya and their reaction, and their alliance with other Muslim states were the focal points of this study. As it is historical research, a qualitative methodology is employed. The study was conducted based on reliable primary and secondary sources. The study revealed that Hadiya was one of the seven Muslim states in Ethiopia and it was one of the strongest among them. However, due to several conflicts against the Christian kingdom in the early thirteenth to the seventeenth centuries, they seem to have reduced their political power and territories and decreased the population.

Keywords:

• Kingdom of Hadiya
• King Amda Tsiyon and territorial expansions
• medieval Ethiopia

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT

Different kingdoms, chiefdoms, Sultanates, Principalities, Sheikhdoms, and Emirates flourished and banished on the soil of Ethiopia until the mid-19^th century. Thus, the Christian highland kingdom dominates more than half of the country. The relationship between the Christian Highland Kingdom and the rest of the Muslim sultanates was hostile due to economy, political supremacy, territorial expansion, and other related issues. Thus, this study attempted to show such Christian highland kingdoms 1316/17 and 1332 military campaigns to Hadiya southwest Ethiopia. The findings of the research revealed that the Kingdom of Hadiya came under the control of King Amda Tsiyon and he took harsh measures. Onward Hadiya lost their political independence, reduced territorially, population number due to, and war captivity that soon became the source of the important labor force for the Christian army until the 16^th century.

1. Introduction

Several Muslim principalities existed on the Somali coast and eastern escarpment of the Ethiopian highland. Hadiya was the westernmost of seven political units connected in a confederation which was named after its capital Zaila on the northern Somali coast; the others were Ifat, Dawaro, Arbabni, Sharkha Bale, and Dara; they existed between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. Hadiya seems to have occupied a large territory between the western Harar plateau and the eastern escarpment of the Rift valley, which was after 16^th the century inhabited by Arsi-Oromo (Trimingham, 1955).

The kingdom of Hadiya; was well known to Ethiopian politics, the Kebra Nagast (Glory of Kings)¹ that was written at Aksum² mentioned its existence several times. The passage claim that Menelik I, son of the queen of Sheba, on one occasion made war on the Hadiya people. This passage provides interesting evidence of a northern Ethiopian awareness of Hadiya's identity (Wallis Budge E.A. 2000). The famous chronicle called Kebra Negast (glory of kings), written in the thirteenth century, was presumably the earliest literary document, as far as we know, in which the name “Hadiya” was mentioned (Wallis Budge E.A. 2000).

With the rise of the Solomonic Dynasty³ in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural expedition of the Christian kingdom to the south began. This is described in the chronicles of Christian kingdoms and the works of the Arabian historiographers (Braukamper, 1972). Within, it told us that the Ethiopian emperor defeated Hadiya, hereditary enemies of the Christian state and devastated their land (Wallis Budge E.A. 2000). In 1286/87, the name “Hadiya” also referred to without any further comment, in connection with Shawa (Taddesse, 1972).

The exact geographical location of the ancient kingdom of Hadiya raised some controversy. Neither traveller accounts from the medieval period, nor historically researched materials agreed on the exact location of the kingdom. According to (Beckingham & Huntingford, 1954) the political geographical location of the old state of Hadiya was on both sides of the upper Gibe. Perruchon (1894) even likened Addio, the western part of Keffa with Hadiya. An important argument for the localization in the upper area was presented by the fact the Hadiya still exists there as an ethnic denomination for a considerable part of the present inhabitants. According to Alebachew and Samuel (2002), all contemporary Hadiya relates to a tradition that is overwhelmed by Muslim concepts of an original homeland in the east and Arabic ancestors. This version of stereotypical representation is repeated among many Cushitic peoples.

Braukamper (1980), refers to Ibn-Said, Hadiya situated south of Yifat, which by that time (in the thirteenth century) reached eastward as far as the Somali coast. Abu’l Fida fixed Hadiya’s geographical position as 7° N latitude and 57° 3ʹ East longitude in an area between the equator and the first (Demombynes, 1927). Whereas al-Umari and his advocator Maqiriz possessed only a vague idea of its extent, the length was 9 days and the breadth 8 days (Trimingham, 1955). Analysis of the Arabic geographers, especially their information that Hadiya was part of the Zaila confederation, includes some later scholars associate it with Haile Bubamo A. (1971) did not completely accept the hypothesis of their original identity, but the study of information sources led him to the conclusion that Hadiya situated in the east of the Somali peninsula. Various authors (Braukamper, 2004) have already indicated the confusion between Hadiya and that of Hawiya, an important Somali clan. Alvarez’s report that in the sixteenth-century Hadiya extended to Mogadishu so far in the southeast that it went beyond the geographical horizons of the informants.

The inconsistencies in location largely resolve themselves if we take into account a more dynamic process of ethnic and geographical displacements. From the written records, it could be concluded that in the case of Hadiya territorial shift might have taken place from the east, Hararge, to the highland west of the Rift Valley (Alebachew & Samuel, 2002). The people’s migrations confirm this. In an early period of Hadiya, before they expanded towards the interior of Ethiopia, they were all concentrated within a limited area in the eastern part of the Horn of Africa. In later times, when a political and territorial differentiation had occurred, they identified with an appellation of the confederation of Zayla (Braukamper, 1980; Huntingford, 1989).

The account of Ibn Fada Allah al Umari and Meqriz gave valuable hints of Hadiya towards the close of Amda Tsiyon’s reign embodied in al Umari’s report. This suggests that the province is through small, measuring only eight-day Journey by nine, whereas (Richard Pankhurst, 1997) estimated that, it might be 160 km by 180. Well favored by nature, it produces cereals and fruit, raised horses and animals of burden, and like Dawaro and Sharkha. They used pieces of iron as primitive money. Hadiya was much involved in the slave trade, for its imported slaves from the “country of the infidels, presumably nearby Christian or pagan lands.

2. Material and methods

This research uses a qualitative approach, based on the study of the history of the Hadiya kingdom and the military expedition of King Amda Tsiyon. The Kingdom of Hadiya was in close relation to neighboring Muslim kingdoms of Medieval Ethiopia. To break this relationship king Amda Tsiyon made two campaigns against Hadiya. To understand both medieval and modern Ethiopian historical, political, and intercultural relationship processes. This research applies a mix of archival and ethnographic research, using written sources obtained from archives and literature in the form of books, chronicles, magazines, and newspapers. Archival sources, literature, and interview results obtained, selected, and analyzed under the framework of the problems created.

2.1. The first campaign of king amda tsiyon 1316/17 to the kingdom of Hadiya

With the rise of the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural expedition of the Christian kingdom to southern Ethiopia mentioned in the Christian kingdom chronicles and other documents. This is described in the chronicles of Christian kingdoms and the works of the Arabian historiographers (Braukamper, 1972). The Chronicle reported that King Amda Tsiyon inherited the military and political problems of the turbulent reign of his immediate predecessors. These, among others, included the final consolidation of the powers of the new dynasty in all Christian provinces. The cause had been in the Agaw district in the north-west, the kingdom of Gojjam; in the west, and that of Damot in the south-west, and the more important struggle with the Muslim Sultanates in the east and southeast (Taddesse, 1972).

Amda Tsiyon’s accession to the power created a state of uneasy peace with the Muslims. One of the most important reasons for Christian-Muslim conflicts was the need for the Kingdom to ensure a free and unmolested passage of its nationals or agents to the Red Sea and beyond. Muslims have always enjoyed an almost monopoly on long-distance trade throughout the region. Sometimes they acted as agents of the Christian Kings, sometimes as independent traders. In either case, Muslim rulers were masters of the areas through which the main trade routes passed. This technical dependence of Christians on the service and goodwill of Muslims was easily liable to use for political purposes, especially at a time of hostile relations. This appears to be an encounter between Amda Tsiyon and the ruler of Ifat (Tilahun, 2014).

The Reign of King Amda Tsiyon is considered the most important era for the expansion of the Christian Kingdom. Taddesse Tamrat quotes Amda Tsiyon’s chronicle, which tells us much about his campaigns, particularly the one of 1332, then, that there has been practically little data about the early years of his reign. However (Taddesse, 1970), mentions there is various information about how and when Damo, Gojjam, and Hadiya were first effectively conquered and annexed.

The kingdom of Hadiya was a territory of the medieval Kingdoms of Ethiopia situated in the highlands to the southwest of Christian kingdoms and further west as far as Sharka. One of the earliest campaigns of King Amda Tsiyon was conducted against Damot and Hadiya. It took place in the year 1316/17 and the king commemorated his success. The territory probably became an integral tax-paying part of the Christian kingdom early in the further conflicting situation during the reign of Amda Tsiyon. Taddesse (1972) by referring to a manuscript which was written in the monastery of Debre Hayq states that after the conquered of Damot around 1316/17 he preceded to Hadiya.

King Amda Tsiyon chronicle mention that

“ …God gave me all the people of Hadiya, men, and women without number, whom I exiled into another area”. Having thus gained control over this territory, he had recruited many of its inhabitants to serve in his army” (Taddesse, 1970).

After the occupation of Kingdom of Hadiya by King Amda Tsiyon seems to have made at least one land grant to a courtier from Hadiya. It states that the man, surprised at the expense the king incurred in purchasing mules, proposed that, they had been bred in the royal stable. The king was so pleased that he had allowed him to choose whatever gult⁴ or estates he desired (Pankhurst, 1997).

These early victories had given the king a great source of wealth and labor in the rich interior south and southwest of the river Awash. At first, the king’s control of these areas seems to have been minimal to collecting occasional tributes from the local rulers. This appears to have been the case with Hadiya in particular. As Al-Umari mentions Hadiya as one of the seven Muslim states in the Ethiopian region, placing it west of Bali. It is not clear from his work when exactly Muslim influence becomes predominant in Hadiya. The Christian report of Amda Tsiyon’s successful campaign in Hadiya about 1316/17 does not at all imply that the king was fighting against Muslim or traditional religion followers troops (Hiruy Wolde Silassie, 1927).

Braukamper (1972) refers to Al-Umari’s Muslim state of Hadiya, which may have been traditional religious believers in the kingdom in which a growing number of Muslim merchants had been settled. They had probably also converted some of that in Amda Tsiyon’s time the ruler of a country was as yet Muslim. It is quite clear, however, that the influence of Muslims in the area was very strong, and they used it to undermine the consolidation of Christian power there.

2.2. The second campaign of King Amda Tsiyon to Hadiya 1332

Just before 1332, Amda Tsiyon led another expedition against the kingdom of Hadiya to offset such hostile activities (Taddesse, 1972). Hadiya’s incorporation into the Christian Kingdom was not without difficulties. As Richard Pankhurst (1997) cited Amda Tsiyon’s Chronicle reports, Sultan Sabr al-Din’s rebellion spread from Ifat to Hadiya. The local governor who was referred to as Amano was advised by Bal’am, the “prophet of darkness” to rebel.

Go not to the king of Amda Tsiyon, (i.e.) to the emperor, he was said to have declared. Do not give him gifts: if he comes against you, be not afraid of him, for he will be delivered into your hands and you will cause him to die with his army

The Hadiya ruler whom we may assume from his name was almost certainly a local man who hearkened, to the counsel of this lying prophet and rebelled against the emperor. Then, the emperor rose in anger and set out for Hadiya where he slew the inhabitants of the country with the point of the sword. Describing the revenge shaped by the warlike emperor on the people of Hadiya, the chronicler declared. Some he destroyed and those who survived, he took into captivity together with their old ones and young ones men, women, and children, he led them away to the capital of his kingdom the false prophet Bala’m then took himself off and fled to the land of Ifat (Donald N. L. 1993).

However, Donald N. L. (1993) described the term Amano as a person’s name, not a title. He got the term Amano presented this idea as it is used in the song of a century after Zar’a Ya’eqob. Braukamper (2004) points out that, the term Amano was the title of Hadiya kings. As a result, he counted the genealogy of Hadiya, but he does not have the name “Amano” from their ancestor. Nevertheless, it seems that the term Amano apart from a variety of ages, frequently described, as his name alone is not enough information to be able to argue that title. Amano According to legend, at this time conventional names of people believed to be names represented. The occurrence of repeating the name apart thus was becoming the only name that has to be attractive to people. Amano was considered a leader of Hadiya during the first war between Hadiya Kingdom and King Amda Tsiyon. After his defeat, Amano following the custom of the time had taken captivity, described the Christian kingdom.

Despite such punishment, many men from Hadiya served in Amda Tsiyon’s army, which also contained soldiers from neighboring Damot, as well as from the central province of Shawa. As Richard Pankhurst (1997) cited Amda Tsiyon’s chronicle that tells of him dispatching a Hadiya contingent together with soldiers from Damot, on an expedition in 1332 against the people of Semen, Wogara, and Şalamt. Already in 1332, a contingent called Hadiya had been sent as part of the Christian troops to suppress a Falasha revolt in Wagara.

According to Taddesse (1972), the ruler of Hadiya called Amano refused to come to the king Amda Tsiyon court and submits the usual tributes. He was encouraged into this by a Muslim false prophet. Amda Tsiyon's response to this was very swift. He led his army into Hadiya, pillaged the country, and took many prisoners including Amano. The Muslim preacher himself felt to Ifat. Amda Tsiyon seems to have made a thorough job of his re-conquest of Hadiya, which soon became an important source of labor for the Christian army, of which contingents from Hadiya would be henceforth from a considerable part of Ethiopia

With Hadiya and the regions immediately to the north and west under his control, Amda Tsiyon was now within measurable distance of achieving his initial program of controlling the inland trade of the Muslims. Hadiya's re-conquest in particular dealt a hard blow to the slave trade for which it had long been a major source of supply. It was largely on this trade that Muslim activities in the area were based, and the effect was felt, not only by the local trades of Hadiya and its immediate neighbors but also by all chains of Muslim settlements as far as the Red Sea coast. Moreover, Christian power and influence were fast growing in the newly conquered regions, and it looked as if it would soon extend further afield. The future of Islam pursed seems have never been threatened before it (Mohammed, 1991).

The response of the Muslims to this new challenge was equally striking. Until now, the different settlements had been operating largely independently of one another; the attempt by Ifat to create a united Muslim front had been only partially successful in its immediate neighborhood, and even that had already been seriously damaged by the early successes of Amda Tsiyon against Haqadin and Dardir. Now, however, the time was ripe for united action against the Christian intruder. Amda Tsiyon’s dauntless campaign in areas hitherto unknown to Christian troops further shook their sense of security and made the need for a league even stronger (Ahmedin, 2008).

Once again, Iafat took the lead in the ensuing hostilities. Sabradin was a Ruler of Ifat at the time, and he seems to have been at the center of a new movement for which he was perfectly suited as the son of the great Umar Walasma. Although evidence is lacking to determine the intellectual or doctrinal content of this movement, there are references in the chronicle to religious leaders helping in its organization. According to the Amda Tsiyon chronicle, the false prophet who moved to Ifat during the Amda Tsiyon conquest of Hadiya appears to have continued his hostile propaganda in Ifat also, where he represented as one of the advisors of Sabradin, who was the ruler of Ifat (Huntingford, 1952).

According to Cerulli (1971), Al-Umari learned about the castrations of slaves from merchants who visited the territory that had been forbidden by the Christian King (perhaps in fact Amda Tsiyon). The operation was, however, often carried out illegally in the nearby town Washlu where the trader took their slaves for castration, which greatly increased their value. The eunuchs then convoyed to Hadiya where they remained until they recovered. The province’s inhabitants were reputedly skilled in curing the victims of such operations, but the number of slaves who died has been greater than those who survived. As Ibin Said points out, there was a place called Washlu, which was found in the north of Hadiya. Nevertheless, for the first time, al Umari used Washlu. Arab (2003) mentioned the place Washuloh is probably the former slave market and castration take place during the time of King Amda Tsiyon. In addition, Washuloh was the place where slaves exported to the Middle East and other countries.

The Kingdom of Hadiya was a relatively small but powerful state. Conceivably densely populated, it could raise a large army of no less than 40,000 cavalries, and, at least twice as many foot soldiers. The province thought out this time remained firmly under imperial suzerainty. A provincial ruler whom Maqrizi referred to by the old name or title of Amano fought on the Christian side against Sultan Sad-ad Din of Ifat but was defeated. The Amano was put to flight and a large of his men were captured (Huntingford, 1952.)

Taddesse T. (1992) suggests that the successful campaign of Amda Tsiyon in Hadiya 1316/17 does not imply at all that the king was fighting against Muslim troops. According to him, based in Al-Umari, Hadiya may have been a pagan kingdom in which a growing number of Muslim merchants had been settling, they had probably also converted some of the local people. However, it does not seem that in Amda Tsiyon time the ruler of the country was yet Muslim. It is quite clear, however, that the influence of the Muslims in the area was very strong and they used it to undermine the consolidation of Christian power there. Just before 1332, Amda Tsiyon led another expedition against the kingdom of Hadiya to offset such hostile activities (Kibamo A. 2007).

King Amda Tsiyon succeeded Widim Ra’ad after the death of Tekle Haymanot. His predecessor’s kingdom had already included the central Shawan plateau, where the religious activities of the saint were conducted and it was from this area that the new king led his successful campaign against the Muslims to the east and southeast. Already before the campaign of 1332, he had also reduced Damot and Hadiya to being under his control.

Haberland (1964) points out that, this military did not, however, mean an immediate Christianization of inhabitants. However, they tremendously boosted Christian morale and contacts between the Christian communities and new subject areas became more open and more frequent. Numerous captives of the war were reduced to slavery, some distributed among conquering troops, and others probably sold to the Christian settlers in the north. The contingents frequently rose from the conquered area, and always took part in the campaign of the king, side by side with Christian troops. As such, they are increasingly exposed to Christian influence in a religious sense also. All these offered invaluable opportunities for the expansion of Christianity.

Donald N. L. (1993) described that the term Amano was a person’s name, not a title. He got the term Amano presented this idea as it is used in the song of a century after Zar’a Ya’eqob. Alebachew and Samuel (2002) point out that, the term Amano was the title of Hadiya kings. As a result, he counted the genealogy of Hadiya, but he did not get the name “Amano” from their ancestor. Nevertheless, it seems that the term Amano apart from a variety of ages frequently described as his name alone is not enough information to be able to argue that title (Gedeon, 2008). According to legend, name “Amano” was at this time (1316/17) conventional names of people believed to be names represented. The occurrence of repeating the name apart thus becomes the only name that has to be attractive to people. Amano was considered the leader of Hadiya during the first war between Hadiya Kingdom and King Amda Tsiyon. After his defeat, Amano, under the custom of time taken captivity, described the Christian kingdom.

3. Conclusion

The rise of the Solomonic Dynasty in 1270, an epoch of military, political, and cultural expedition of the Christian kingdom to southern Ethiopia, began in the early 14^th century. This is inscribed in the chronicles of Christian kingdoms and the works of the Arabian historiographers. King Amda Tsiyon's first military expedition in 1316/17 was a successful campaign against Hadiya. During King Amda Tsiyon 1316/17, campaign Hadiya grew among Islamic religion followers, but mass populations were pagan. This successful campaign tremendously boosted Christian morale and contacts between Christian communities and new subject areas became more open and more frequent. For the 1332, military campaign reason was the ruler of Hadiya, known as Amano, refused to come to the king Amda Tsiyon court and submit the usual tributes. King Amda Tsiyon's response to this was very swift. Amda Tsiyon led his army into Hadiya, pillaged the country, and took many prisoners including Amano ruler of Hadiya Kingdom. The Muslim preacher himself felt to Ifat. Amda Tsiyon seems to have done a thorough job of his re-conquest of Hadiya, which soon became an important source of labor for the Christian army, the numerous captives of the war were reduced to slavery, some of them were distributed among the conquering troops, and another was probably sold to the Christian settlers in the north. The contingents frequently rose from the conquered area, and always took part in the campaign of the king, side by side with Christian troops. As such, they were aggregate exposed to Christian influence in the religious sense also. Finally, the defeat of Hadiya was alarming, such as a hostage of Hadiya people encourages good behavior and relatives. All of these offered invaluable opportunities for territorial expansion and Christianity in southern parts of Ethiopia.

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Additional information

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The author received no direct funding for this research.

Notes on contributors

Anwar Ayano Idris

Anwar Ayano Idris completed his first degree in History and Heritage management and master’s degree in Medieval History of Ethiopia. Currently, Anwar Ayano Idris is a lecturer and researcher, at the University of Werabe College of Social Sciences and Humanities. His major teaching and research areas are social history, political history, economic history, cultural history medieval history, politics, heritage management, and conservation.

Notes

1. Kebra Negast is a 14^th—century national epic account from Ethiopia written in Geze by Nebure IDIshaq of Axsum by the office of Abuna Abba Giyorgis.

2. Aksum was the capital city of the Kingdom of Aksum or the Aksumite Empire centered in the Northeast African from Classical antiquity to the Early Middle Ages.

3. The Solomonic Daynasty, also known as the House of Solomon, was a dynasty of the Ethiopian Empire. Its members claim lineal descent from the biblical King Solomon and Queen Sheba.

4. Guilt is the land tenure system in Ethiopia. It is the right to tax from the benefits of the land.