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VISUAL & PERFORMING ARTS

Exploring indigenous drama elements in Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances of the Gurage people, Ethiopia

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Article: 2292366 | Received 16 Aug 2023, Accepted 04 Dec 2022, Published online: 10 Dec 2023

Abstract

This study analyzed the indigenous drama elements of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances among the Gurage people. Using an ethnographic study methodology, data was collected through 20 in-depth interviews, 3 focus group discussions, 5 key informant interviews, and document analysis. The snowball sampling method guided the selection of informants from Muhur Aklil, Abshegi, Cheha, and Ezhaworedas based on local recommendations. Local language data were translated into English using a literal translation approach while preserving original meaning. The study found that Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg encompassed various indigenous drama elements, including location, properties, costumes, verbal and physical responses, imitation, role distribution, actor/audience separation, and representational acting. These traditional performances served different purposes. Kurfewe provided entertainment and commemorated Jesus Christ’s suffering while preserving ancestral culture and facilitating spouse-finding. Gichame expressed gratitude to God and the Virgin Mary, enhanced group energy during work, and enlivened events. Weyeg entertained, praised gods and goddesses, recognized exemplary individuals, engaged in constructive criticism, and more. Categorically, Kurfewe was a calendric performance following Easter, Gichame encompassed calendric, seasonal (weddings), and occasional (Debo) categories, and Weyeg included periodical (praising Waq and Demuamit), seasonal (weddings), and occasional (honoring individuals) performances. In summary, this study provided insights into the indigenous drama elements and roles of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg among the Gurage people. These traditional performances showcased unique cultural expressions and served various purposes, contributing to the rich traditional performing arts heritage of the Gurage culture.

PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT

Although there is scarce research on the Gurage communities, these communities are known for their rich traditional, religious, and indigenous rituals and ceremonies. These include customary activities, wedding and mourning ceremonies, traditional clothing, and household utensils. Traditional events such as Meskel, Arefa, Kurfewe, Adabena, Gichame, and Weyeg can be found in the region. This study, using an ethnographic design, aims to explore the indigenous drama elements of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances among the Gurage people. The study provides insights into enhancing the performance elements and roles that the community members entertain during these ceremonies and addresses how these traditions can be sustained across generations. These traditional performances showcase unique cultural expressions and serve various purposes, contributing to the rich heritage of traditional performing arts within the Gurage culture.

1. Introduction

Performance for indigenous people puts the everyday into the context and perspective of the continuum of living on Earth (Steel & Heritage, Citation2020). Performance, in the form of ritual, ceremony, and social expressions, provided early humans with understanding, interaction, and a sense of control (Steel & Heritage, Citation2020; Zidny et al., Citation2020). It empowered them to comprehend and create a place within the earth they inhabited, enabling survival and sustainability. Indigenous performance relied on incorporating elements from the surrounding world, such as bird calls, animal movements, and the sounds of specific winds, the pursuit of hunted animals, and the emotions invoked by spirits (Zidny et al., Citation2020).

The sights, sounds, and rhythms of a specific place on Earth were momentarily embraced and celebrated through indigenous performance (Montagu, Citation2017). Through dance, song, and drumming, indigenous communities brought their connection to the land into existence. This form of performance emerged through a complex and spontaneous intuition, involving trial-and-error interactions and processes (Zidny et al., Citation2020). When humans performed, it was not only for themselves but also for the spirits, ancestors, elements, and animals. “Place” extended beyond geography and the material world; it reflected a united community, a manifestation of totality—a tangible and abstract system where one could be both observer and participant. Place was animated, imbued with order, significance, and healing properties (Kawagley, Citation1995). Indigenous performance was as primary and necessary to existence as thinking; it was another kind of thinking, the collective’s way of stepping out and viewing itself (Bauman & Briggs, Citation1990). Performance was a haptic, heuristic, and psychophysical way of community thinking, making visible and tangible, for a brief moment, the invisible and ephemeral. It was a way to see and feel the deeper structures of reality: myth, archetype, and ritual. Thinking and being through performance were practical and tactile means of facilitating reflection, adaptation, survival, and evolution (Holtzman et al., Citation2014).

When it comes to the Gurage Zone, it is a place of great diverse potential in cultural, traditional, and religious ceremonies. Among these are customary activities, wedding and mourning ceremonies, traditional clothing, and household utensils. Traditional events such as Meskel, Arefa, Kurfewe, Adabena, Gichame, and Weyeg can be found in the zone. However, there is a lack of research and documentation regarding the traditional activities and ceremonies of Gurage society.

Gichame, Kurfewe, and Weyeg are some of the well-known traditional folk entertainments of the Gurage people. These traditional folk performances serve different purposes and require performers and specific venues, similar to other performing folk arts. However, these traditional folk performances original characteristics, boundaries, and distinctions become less clear and defined, and they are at risk of losing their performers. Consequently, current researchers believe that studying and documenting the content and structure of these traditional folk arts is crucial for various reasons. The first is to preserve the original performances of these traditional folk arts and ensure their continuity. The second is to pass them down to the next generation in the form of theater while maintaining their oral tradition, original structure, and style.

1.1. Objectives of the study

This study aims to examine the indigenous drama elements present in the traditional folk performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg. The specific objectives of the research are as follows: (1) to identify the indigenous drama elements within these performances, (2) to categorize the different types of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg folk performances, (3) to inspire experts in the development of Ethiopian indigenous theatre performances, and (4) to classify the social contributions and document the specific ceremonies associated with these traditional performances.

2. Methodology

2.1. Description of the study areas

Gurage Zone, situated in the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region of Ethiopia, encompasses the homeland of the Gurage people. It shares borders with Hadiya and Yem special woredas to the southeast, while the Oromia Region surrounds it to the west, north, and east. Silt’e lies to the southeast (Wondimu, Citation2022). The highest geographical point in the zone is Mount Gurage. The administrative center of the region is Welkite, while the largest city and former administrative center is Butajira. The zone is comprised of 13 woredas (districts) and two reform city administrations. These include Chaha, Soddo, Meskan, Mareko, Kebena, Abshge, Gedbano Gutazer Wellene, Ezha, Muhirna Aklile, Gumer, Geta, Enemorna Enner, and Endegagn Woredas, as well as Wolkite and Butajira city administrations (Wondimu, Citation2022). Wolkite serves as the central administrative hub of the zone, situated approximately 155 km southwest of Addis Ababa and 430 km from Hawassa, the capital city of the Southern Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples’ Region (Wondimu, Citation2022).

2.2. Participants

The study employed a qualitative approach. This study approach was used because it allowed the researchers to conduct in-depth explorations, interpretations, and analyses of the traditional meanings attached to the study themes (Creswell, Citation1994). However, in terms of research design, ethnographic design was used. This design, as per the author’s perception, is appropriate since it provides researchers with the ability to immerse themselves in cultural settings to gain a deeper understanding of the traditions of Gurages’ community folk performances and traditional practices (Creswell, Citation1994; Pelto, Citation2017). Among the ethnographic study designs, the authors employed the descriptive one since it provides a detailed analysis of the performances, practices, and rituals, focusing on the actual fidelity of the phenomena.

When it comes to the Gurage Zone, it is a place of great diversity in cultural, traditional, and religious ceremonies such as Meskel, Arefa, Kurfewe, Adabena, Gichame, and Weyeg. These ceremonies, however, make a huge connection among people, and different elements of drama are explored. Moreover, the traditional folk performances of the Gurage people are outshined at these times. In this case, the focus was on exploring the indigenous drama elements of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances among the Gurage people (Tomaszewski et al., Citation2020). The research approach involved gathering data from Gurage individuals residing in the Gurage Zone. The participants in this study were selected from the Gurage people residing in the Gurage Zone. Snowball sampling techniques were employed to ensure a diverse range of informants. Recommendations from local community members were used to identify potential participants. A total of more than 40 informants from different localities, including Muhor Na Aklil, Ezha, Cheha, Inor, Gumer, and Gura woreda, were chosen to provide insights into the indigenous drama elements of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances (see Table ).

Table 1. Profile of in-depth interview participants (November, 2022-January, 2023

2.3. Data collection

The study was approved and reviewed by the Wolkite University Research Directorate under (WKUPG/0045678/02023). Informed consent was obtained from the Wolkite University Ethical and Research Directorate. The researchers provided an informed consent form to the informants and read it aloud to those who were unable to read and write. Moreover, the participants were asked about their willingness to participate in the study, and the informants had the opportunity to decline or be excluded from the study if they were unwilling. To gather data, a combination of research instruments was employed. In-depth interviews were conducted to delve into the perspectives and experiences of the participants regarding the indigenous drama elements present in these traditional performances. The interviews allowed for rich and detailed insights into the cultural significance and nuances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg. Additionally, focus group discussions (FGD) were utilized to facilitate group interactions and collective reflections on the performances, enabling a deeper understanding of the shared cultural practices and interpretations.

The methodology employed was related to an ethnographic study. Data gathering instruments included in-depth interviews (20), focus group discussions (3), key informant interviews (5), and document analysis. The interview was recorded through audio and video recorder cassettes, and the authors also tried to take notes while the participants discerned their perceptions of the study themes. Existing records, manuscripts, and other written materials related to Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg were examined to gain a broader historical and cultural context of these traditional folk performances. The document analysis served to validate and enrich the findings obtained from the interviews and discussions.

The sampling method employed in this study was snowball sampling. This technique involves initially selecting a few participants who have extensive knowledge and experience in the traditional performances, and then asking them to recommend other potential informants. According to Naderifar et al. (Citation2017), this approach helps to identify individuals who possess a deep understanding of the indigenous drama elements and have actively participated in or witnessed the performances themselves.

Given that the collected data were in the local language, a literal translation approach was used to translate the data into English while ensuring that the original meaning and cultural nuances were preserved. This allowed for an accurate representation of the participants’ perspectives and insights in the analysis and interpretation of the indigenous drama elements.

2.4. Data analysis

The collected data underwent a thorough analysis process. The recorded interviews and focus group discussions were transcribed and organized for further examination. The researchers then employed qualitative analysis techniques to identify and categorize the indigenous drama elements present in Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances. A systematic approach was adopted to explore storytelling techniques, theatrical conventions, musical elements, symbolic representations, and other significant features intrinsic to these performances. The researchers followed a practical step-by-step guide for conducting thematic analysis prepared by Maguire and Delahunt (Citation2017) and organized the findings as follows: Firstly, the researchers familiarized themselves with the raw data. Then, they proceeded to generate initial codes for the findings and identify relevant themes. Subsequently, the themes were reviewed and defined accordingly. After completing these steps, the write-up section was undertaken.

3. Results

This article presents the findings of a study that aimed to unravel the distinctive indigenous drama elements embedded within the traditional folk performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg. To collect the required data, the researchers have used in-depth interviews (20), focus group discussions (3), and document analysis that are related to the study themes. Prior to the study data collection, all the participants were asked about their willingness to participate in the study and signed up to be included. The researcher ensures the credibility and reliability of the study by protecting the participant’s privacy, anonymity, and confidentiality. Moreover, through meticulous analysis of the performances, the researchers identified the unique storytelling techniques, theatrical conventions, musical elements, and symbolic representations that contributed to the cultural significance of these traditional art forms. The research outcomes will serve as a valuable resource for experts and artists interested in developing Ethiopian indigenous theatre performances.

3.1. Indigenous drama elements of Kurfewe, Gichame and Weyeg folk performances

This is about the elements of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg, traditional performing folk arts, from the perspectives of indigenous drama elements. These elements include location, imitation, costume, properties, verbal response, physical response, audience/actor separation, role distribution, and representational acting.

3.1.1. Location (setting)

Location (setting) refers to the place and time in which Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg traditional folk performances take place. To begin with Kurfewe, there are three main locations where Kurfewe performances are carried out. These locations are Jefore, the green field around the river, and the places of cedar (tid) and yellow wood (zigeba) trees. Jefore is the main location for Kurfewe folk performances, while the others are actual locations (Shiferaw et al., Citation2023). Jefore is a secured traditional pavement (main road) built using a traditional measurement device called “Zere” (Shiferaw et al., Citation2023).Jefor is usually constructed in an east to west direction and has a width of around 24–48 meters. For the Gurage people, Jefore serves as a place for social, cultural, economic, and traditional customary activities. In other words, it is a place where mourning, weddings, hocking, galloping, etc., take place (see Figure ). Furthermore, it serves as a compass, especially for strangers or passengers (Sahle & Saito, Citation2021). For Kurfewe indigenous performances, Jefore is the main place where it is practiced because the community holds Jefore in high regard. As a result, they undertake their social, economic, and cultural practices, including Kurfewe, in Jefore.

Figure 1. An administrative map of Gurage Zone: source, GIS, 2022.

Figure 1. An administrative map of Gurage Zone: source, GIS, 2022.

Time is another aspect of the location or setting. All in all, Kurfewe is performed from Holy Week or “SemoneHimamat” until “Dagmiatensea,” which is one week after the Easter festival (a total of 14 days), in all clans of Gurage. However, each clan performs Kurfewe on different days. For example, in MuhirnaAklil, it is celebrated for 7 days starting from the day after Easter (Monday) until Sunday (DagimiyaTensea). In Abshegi, on the other hand, it is celebrated for only 5 days, starting from the beginning of Holy Week (Monday) until Friday, the Crucifixion day. The specific time they start is around 5 o’clock and continues until the afternoon.

While many participants in the focus group discussion consider Kurfewe as a culture transferred from their fathers and mothers, according to the storytellers and elders, it is celebrated to remember the pain and sacrifice of Jesus Christ. According to the Christian religious belief, the last week of Easter is dedicated to Jesus Christ's suffering, pain, and death. Consequently, the songs they sing and their body movements during Holy Week or “Himamat” and “DagmiyaTensae” illustrate their condolence for what Jesus Christ went through to give them life.

Gichame folk performances take place in various locations where festival meals are prepared. The main performative locations for Gichame performances are the women’s house, where the association of St. Mary’s members gather on the 21st day of each month to celebrate St. Mary’s memorial festivity. On the annual day of St. Mary, after prayers and enjoying food and drinks (including alcohol) in the house of the designated host, the women anoint their necks, chests, and heads with a mixture of non-spicy butter and cheese, known as “Besekewet.” Following the anointing, two mothers get up and compete in a dance, and then the rest of the mothers take turns dancing competitively.

Another location is during work in “Debo,” which refers to a collaborative effort of a group of people working together to achieve a common goal. After completing their work, the women perform the Gichame dance (Prior et al., Citation2019). The third location is on January 21, which marks the annual celebration day of “AsterioMariam.” On this day, women gather in the Orthodox Church to sing hymns and perform the Gichame dance to celebrate the holiday. The songs or hymns performed during the “Asterio Mariam” celebration have a different theme focused on praising God and St. Mary.

The fourth location is a combination of the street and the church, where women mainly sing “Ebonigesh, Mariam nigesh” and also perform “EgizerEcha” in the street (before and after the procession of the ark of St. Mary). The last location for Gichame performances is at wedding ceremonies. Here, the women dance after they have eaten, drunk, and are satisfied. The Gichame dance performed at wedding ceremonies differs from the dances performed at the aforementioned locations due to the collaborative approach and presentation with Weyeg indigenous performances.

When considering the location of Weyeg indigenous performances, they are mainly performed at wedding ceremonies. During these ceremonies, both the families of the bride and groom, especially the bride’s family, are praised by saying, “You are honorable because your families are good farmers and have a good lineage.” Additionally, the “Ajeyits” who prepared the delicious food for the ceremony, especially “Ayibe” and “Kitfo,” are praised. In wedding ceremonies, Weyeg indigenous performances are also recited to criticize the families of the bride and/or groom and to correct any wrongdoings.

Apart from wedding ceremonies in the village, Weyeg indigenous performances are also performed for soldiers who have returned from the battlefield. When a soldier returns from the battlefield, the girls sing for him, saying “Ageto.” Afterwards, the soldier’s adventures in the battlefield are narrated through Weyeg hymns or songs. Additionally, during the rite of passage when twins are born, Weyeg performances are presented outside the house, mainly in the Gibi or compound, to praise the mothers. Furthermore, Weyeg performances are also carried out when a mother has given birth to 10 children. The performers prepare 10 coffee cups to symbolize her children, and meat is cooked to prepare traditional foods and “Shagna.”

Lastly, Weyeg performers sometimes receive invitations from different households to perform their life history and dignity. On these occasions, the Weyeg performers receive rewards or money from the hosts. Economically, this serves as a source of income for Weyeg performers.

3.1.2. Costume

The attire and makeup used to represent the traditional performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg are noteworthy. Starting with Kurfewe, the participants are young girls who prepare themselves for the annual performance day. Throughout the entire duration of the Kurfewe performance, which spans from the beginning to the last day, these young girls don beautiful traditional dresses. The main costumes consist of a waistband made from the leaf of the Ambare plant and handmade white cotton dresses (kemis). According to the book “Gurage Culture Values” (2012), the society used handmade leather clothes until the 1820s and transitioned to cotton thereafter. Additionally, they wear flat shoes to facilitate dancing, movement, and jumping. In the past, they would dance and jump barefoot. To enhance their appearance, they adorn their hair with the “Shuruba” hairstyle.

As for the participants of Gichame, who are women, they wear a handmade traditional white cotton cloth known as “Tibeb” or Sunday best clothing, a waistband cloth called “Mekenet,” a headband or “Shashe,” and flat shoes (see Figure ). These costumes serve two purposes: they contribute to cleanliness and readiness for the celebration, while also reflecting the competition among women on the appropriateness of their attire for the occasion. Similar to Gichame, Weyeg is also performed by women. They wear a handmade traditional white cotton dress, referred to as “Tibeb” or Sunday best clothing (although it is not mandatory), along with a waistband cloth called “Mekenet,” a headband or “Shashe,” and flat shoes.

Figure 2. Jefore is a cultural avenue designed by the community. (it is the main location where the Kurfewe, Weyeg, and Gichame folk performances are performed.).

Figure 2. Jefore is a cultural avenue designed by the community. (it is the main location where the Kurfewe, Weyeg, and Gichame folk performances are performed.).

Figure 3. Elder women (mothers) at the Gichame performance (early women perform Gichame’s performance in women’s houses by the association of St. Mary’s members.).

Figure 3. Elder women (mothers) at the Gichame performance (early women perform Gichame’s performance in women’s houses by the association of St. Mary’s members.).

3.1.3. Properties

The materials used by participants to celebrate Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg are of significance. In Kurfewe, girls and women utilize various materials for self-decoration and to perform the Kurfewe rituals. These materials include a handmade traditional drum called “Andir”, Ambare plant leaves, digging aids, coffee pots and cups, as well as traditional cooking and eating utensils. The participants sing songs expressing their grief over the sufferings their Lord endured to save them, with the drum being the main and sole musical instrument used for singing. Another crucial element in Kurfewe is the Ambare plant, with its leaves being used for decorative purposes by tying them around the waist. Additionally, the Ambare plant’s root holds symbolic significance and is buried in relation to the death of Jesus Christ. As mentioned earlier in this chapter, in some locations, food is prepared on the final day of the Kurfewe performance. Various tools, including the traditional spoon called “Ankefo,” are used for food preparation. Ankefo is made of horn and comes in two types: a small spoon used for eating Ketefo, Ayib, Zimuamujat, Ekuwat, Fenitafinto, Ozat, Dekuche, and honey, and a larger Ankefo used for mixing cabbage, cheese, meat, butter, and spices (See Figure ).

Figure 4. Girls and elder women (mothers) at the Kurefewe performance (the picture showed that girls and elder women (mothers) performed a Kurefewe performance at Jofore.).

Figure 4. Girls and elder women (mothers) at the Kurefewe performance (the picture showed that girls and elder women (mothers) performed a Kurefewe performance at Jofore.).

The properties associated with Gichame include the main traditional foods “kitefo” and “kocho,” as well as the alcoholic beverages “Tela” and “Areki,” which are exclusively served during the performance. These drinks and foods are served using traditional handmade materials. Other properties include the materials used for singing songs, such as the drum or “Andir” (a traditional homemade drum primarily made from the skin of a goat or sheep with clay). “Bisqiwot” refers to a mixture of non-spiced butter and white cheese that is applied to the neck before the start of the Gichame dance. “Anqefo” refers to a traditional horn-made spoon mainly used to hold the “Bisqiwot.” These drinks and foods are also served using traditional handmade materials.

In the Weyeg performance, the “Andir” or drum is the primary property used during the singing. Additionally, a stick called “Gerefa” is placed on top of butter, which is placed on the head of the main performer to enhance her beauty. On the occasion of the rite of passage, coffee cups are presented as gifts, and “Shagna” from cow’s meat is served as food during the birth-giving ritual.

3.1.4. Verbal response

The conversations between participants during performances are significant. In Kurfewe, two groups are involved: the first group consists of the singer or reciter who recites poems, while the remaining participants serve as respondents. When a girl with a good voice and the ability to recite or improvise poems sings in the form of a mourning song, the other girls respond orally and physically. Their body movements and songs express their grief over what Jesus Christ endured. Below is a sample poem recited during Kurfewe:

Singer (reciter):AhhhAmbare, ahhh

Respondents: Kurfewe, Kurfwe, oh

AhhhAmbare … .ahhhAmbare (2 times)

Singer (reciter):It broke my waist, ahhh

If my waist is broken, it can’t be repaired, ahhh

My father is my precious, ahhh

My mother is my precious too, ahhh

My boy friends, ahhh

Sit me on the horse, ahhh

Let us thank, ahhh

For he let us to see this day, ahhh

Gichame is a form of dramatic performance involving two groups or interactions between an individual and groups. The verbal responses in the Gichame indigenous performance primarily rely on the rival women who take turns becoming performers. When the reciter (improviser) with a good voice and skill among the participants sings the Gichame song, the other participants respond by clapping their hands. Below is an example of a Gichame poem. It revolves around the rival’s concept of creating the Gichame dance, with each rival taking turns to improvise based on their thoughts and then passing the opportunity to the next rival.

Singer Respondents

(First Rival)

Gichame(x2)…………………………………….Gechi(x2)

Gichame is a women’s game that signifies the invitation, “Hello women, let us play.” However, the respondent replies with “Gechi” (But under what circumstances or ability will you play with me?).

Gichame(x2)………………………………………….Gechi

After the improvisation of the first rival, the second rival will take her turn and begin to improvise, as demonstrated below.

Singer Respondents

(Second Rival)

Gichame(x2)…………………………………….Gechi(x2)

A game of women…………………………………

Come lets’ play it……………………………………

How come you will equally play with me…?

You leftover (insect) of “enset” tree…………………………………….

Gichame(x2)……………………………………………….Gechi(x2)

Here, in the final moments of the Gichame performance, the dramatic portrayal of an animal game known as “Atibrabi” or “Xebi” “Xebo” (which means lion) will take place, involving three distinct roles.

Singer Respondents

You giant savage lion………………….Please don’t eat my child

You giant savage………………………. Please don’t eat my child

By the name of God……………………. please don’t eat my child

By the name of our earth……………. please don’t eat my child

By the name of ‘Waq’………………….please don’t eat my child

Furthermore, during the celebration of street-church based performances, there are distinct verbal responses observed, similar to those in other locations. The phrase “Ebonigesh, Mariam nigesh” is primarily performed in the church setting. Below is a poem or song from the church-based Gichame performance.

Singer Respondents

“EboNigesh”, ‘Mariam Nigesh’……………“EboNigesh”, “Mariam Nigesh”

“EboNigesh”, ‘Mariam Nigesh’…………. “EboNigesh”, “Mariam Nigesh”

In the street, a game called “EgizerEcha” (before the setback of the ark of St. Mary) is played among women as a form of amusement. It involves standing upright with hands raised towards the sky, fingers pointing up and down in rhythm. Additionally, there are small jumps performed to further enhance their dance.

Singer Respondents

“EgizerEcha”, ‘EgizerEcha’……………… “EgizerEcha”, “EgizerEcha”

“EgizerEcha”, ‘EgizerEcha’……………… “EgizerEcha”, “EgizerEcha”

Weyeg is a form of dramatic performance that takes place between an individual and groups. The theme of the Weyeg song primarily revolves around the occasion or situation of the person being praised for their history. When the reciter (improviser) with a good voice and skill among the participants sings the Weyeg song, the rest of the participants respond by clapping their hands.

3.1.5. Physical response

Physical response pertains to the body language employed by the participants during the performances. In Kurfewe, when the singer performs the song, the respondents respond by saying “eiwayekurfewe”. As they respond, they extend their hands like a flapping bird and frequently move them up and down. In their everyday lives, they employ similar hand movements when lamenting the death of someone. Therefore, to depict the death of Jesus Christ, they utilize this physical movement to convey their grief.

Given that Gichame play is a form of dramatic performance, there exists a clear and easily understandable physical response. The physical responses in the Gichame indigenous performance primarily rely on the rival women. The spect-actors occupy a half-circle within the performance area, while the two rivals enter from the circle, calling out to each other through facial expressions. Once the rivals are present in the half-circle, they turn their bodies towards each other and attempt to push one another with their hips. The spect-actor women laugh and mock those who fail in the competition. Additionally, the two rivals engage in play to demonstrate their strength and symbolize the lion’s efforts to seize their child. One woman stands with her legs apart while the other moves between them. Similarly, when one participant assumes the role of a savage animal in search of another participant portraying a child, physical responses are given. The savage animal character bends from the waist and searches for the child, with her movements revealing an intent to catch and consume. The child character tries to hide behind other women and escape from the savage animal. The child’s physical movements convey the message, “Leave me alone, I don’t want you.” The other women who hide the child animal plead with the savage animal to let her go, moving their hands up and down. This body language clearly signifies, “Please listen to us and set her free.”

Weyeg also elicits clear and easily understandable physical responses. The verbal responses in Weyeg depend on the singer and her respondents. Typically, Weyeg songs are performed while sitting on the ground, with the reciter reciting a musical poem and the respondents responding both orally and with hand gestures following her lead.

3.1.6. Imitation/mimesis

Imitation (mimesis) pertains to the simulation of actions in the performances. In Kurfewe performances, certain performers exhibit new physical movements and facial expressions. Specifically, they employ symbols of sympathy to express their sorrow over the sufferings of Jesus Christ. Meanwhile, other participants imitate these movements and expressions, as imitation is intended to simulate or replicate something else. Furthermore, in Kurfewe, young girls among the participants showcase a variety of physical movements and expressions to differentiate themselves from other girls and attract the attention of boys. The remaining girls then imitate the movements they observe.

In Gichame, the performers aim to imitate the allegorical representation of animals, portraying both hunters and the hunted. Within the dance, a fully dramatic performance unfolds. Initially, one mother assumes the role of the predator, while the other mothers portray victim animals. The predator then chases the animal and the victims attempt to escape and hide in the center of the mothers. The remaining mothers implore the predator not to attack or eat the animal playing the role of prey. As the roles change, all the mothers take turns playing the roles of predator, victim, and beggar. Overall, the depiction of these animal behaviors highlights a significant degree of imitation.

The song of Weyeg sung during “Demwamuit” differs significantly from the idea of Weyeg performed during accreditation events or traditional recognition ceremonies. During the annual feast of “Demwamuit” (where she is regarded as the messenger of God), followers of the “Waq” traditional belief gather together. Guided by their religious leaders, they recite musical poems that praise Waq, expressing gratitude for gaining Waq’s support and thanking Him for the blessings bestowed upon them. As the religious leaders sing songs of praise and perform Weyeg, the followers of the religion also sing, imitating every action of their religious leader.

3.1.7. Actor and audience separation

In Kurfewe, all girls participate as actors, but they can be either active or passive participants. The primary audience for this performance consists of boys and children. Boys attend Kurfewe not only to watch the performance but also to find a potential romantic partner, as Kurfewe serves as a significant event that facilitates their pursuits.

In Gichame, all mothers attending the ceremony are active participants or actors. Specifically, any woman who stands to dance and compete with others represents the characters of predator and victim animals. The women implore the predator not to attack or consume the animal playing the role of prey, as well as the reciter, singer, and drummers. The remaining participants, who clap their hands, are considered the audience. However, when their turn comes, they become active participants or actors.

In Weyeg, the women who sing the ballads/recite, the drummers, and the respondents are the actors. Unlike the others, the main actor in Weyeg, performed in different locations, is a skilled and knowledgeable reciter because women with the ability to sing/recite are scarce in number. The audience for Weyeg varies depending on the location of the performance. For example, at a wedding, the audience consists of the wedding organizers, invited male guests, children, and the bride. Similarly, for a Gurage mother who gives birth to twins or has 10 children, a Weyeg is performed where the mother and her children are considered the audience.

3.1.8. Role distribution

Role distribution pertains to the roles assumed by all the participants during the performances. In Kurfewe, each participant has different roles on each day. These roles include being a reciter (improviser), a respondent, a drummer, or a digger responsible for burying the Ambare root. Children and boys also have the role of being spectators.

The participants in Gichame have various roles. The women who become spect-actors wait for their turn to become rivals. There are also multiple groups with different roles. For example, there is a singer woman and a drummer in the first group. The second group consists of women who perform dramatic roles, such as a woman portraying a savage animal character, a child animal, and beggars who plead with the savage animal to protect the child, saying “Atibrabi” (don’t eat). The last group comprises the audience members who await their turn to participate in the circle. These groups are active participants as they also respond to the singer and engage by clapping their hands to enliven the play.

In the Weyeg indigenous performance, the participants have distinct roles. The division of roles primarily depends on the reciter of the poem and the singer. The role of the singer requires qualities such as age, knowledge of their society’s history, good vocal skills, and a charming voice to perform Weyeg. Apart from the main singer, others assist her in intonating the song and provide support when she becomes exhausted.

3.1.9. Representational acting

Representational acting primarily relates to conventional acting, which aims to create an illusion of reality for the spectator by harnessing their ability to suspend disbelief. To foster representational acting, it is crucial to understand the various techniques and methods of acting. Acting methods encompass a range of techniques employed by actors to embody the thoughts and emotions of their characters, enabling them to deliver lifelike performances. These methods primarily rely on two main branches: the method of physical action and the method of emotional memory.

According to Schlechner (Citation2003), Stanislavsky’s System proposed that a series of physical actions arranged in sequential order would elicit the necessary emotions in an actor’s performance. These emotions originated from the unconscious or subconscious and could not be directly accessed when required. Consequently, Stanislavsky sought to find conscious means to tap into the unconscious, leading to the creation of the “method of physical actions”—a mapped-out physical trajectory for the actor. By following this conscious physical map of actions, the actor would awaken and express the unconscious emotions. Among the branches of the method of physical actions, the concept of the “Magic If” is associated with Kurfewe performances. The performers in Kurfewe indigenous drama attempt to answer the question, “If we were in the place of a family who lost a son, what would we do?” Without their conscious awareness, many performers heavily rely on the “what if?” technique. In Kurfewe indigenous drama, the girls convey the sound of crying without shedding actual tears. In doing so, they strive to suspend disbelief by immersing themselves in the imagined situation of sorrow. Through the potent stimulus of the “if” scenario, performers can make strong theatrical choices that appear real, true, and believable to the audience. According to Stanislavsky, an actor who can make the audience believe in what they want them to believe achieves “scenic truth.” Additionally, the girls in Kurfewe also bury the Ambare root without leaving clues or indications for the one attempting to uncover it. In the method of physical action, a performer’s physical apparatus plays a crucial role in achieving the desired effect. Stanislavsky regarded an actor’s body and voice as the physical apparatus needed to fully express every nuance and subtle aspect of a character. He saw the body and voice as “instruments” that could be trained to help the actor shape their actions. In the context of Kurfewe indigenous performance, the girls’ voices, which create a mournful atmosphere, serve as the expression of their physical apparatus.

Lastly, among the branches of method acting, “emotional memory” holds great importance in Kurfewe performances. Emotional memory entails the performer recreating an event from the distant past to revive the feelings experienced during that time. These revived feelings are then utilized in the current acting situation to imbue the role with human depth and personal involvement. The performers in Kurfewe heavily rely on the memories and emotions of their ancestors. According to Schechter and Bradly (2013), time distills events and emotions, serving as a splendid filter for remembered feelings. Stanislavski believed that the quality of an actor’s performance depended on the sincerity of their experience. This genuine experience passes through a “time filter,” transforming the essence of the experience into a poetic reflection of life’s encounters.

As previously mentioned, representational acting is a form of conventional acting that strives to create an illusion of reality for the spectator by leveraging their ability and willingness to suspend disbelief. Consequently, in Gichame, one woman portrays the character of a predator, while other women portray the characters of victim animals. Both women embody the behaviors of the animals and/or child they represent. The women who plead with the predator not to attack or eat the animal or her son also portray a woman who fears for her child. When the women portray animal characters and act as beggars, the performance evokes a sense of realism for the audience. Hence, the roles played by the mothers in these instances are considered representational acting.

In the case of Weyeg performances, all reciters do not engage in representational acting, except for Weyeg performances conducted at religious sites. Reciters or singers who perform in other venues solely portray their own characters and do not represent anyone else. Additionally, respondents do not assume the roles of fictional or imaginary characters; their roles primarily involve responding to the performance.

3.2. The roles of Kurfewe, Gichame and Weyeg

All oral arts have originated, developed, and been passed down from generation to generation due to their inherent advantages. This holds true for Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg as well, as they possess numerous benefits. Some of these advantages are shared across all performances.

3.2.1. Kurfewe

Kurfewe primarily serves as a commemoration and sharing of Jesus Christ’s death. It is celebrated during Easter weeks to honor Jesus Christ’s sacrifice, which gave life to all humans. Consequently, young girls gather together to remember the sufferings of Jesus Christ, even though many of them perceive it as a cultural tradition passed down from their mothers. However, their movements and performances vividly depict the death of Jesus Christ.

Entertainment also plays a significant role not only in Kurfewe but also in Weyeg and Gichame. In the Gurage Zone, particularly in rural areas, recreational facilities are scarce. As a result, young girls eagerly participate in Kurfewe as a form of entertainment. They view it as an opportunity to escape their worries and embrace the positive aspects of life. Another role of Kurfewe is to foster friendship. Participants of Kurfewe performances come from various places and backgrounds. Initially, they may be unfamiliar and distant, but the performance itself provides them with an opportunity to overcome these barriers and develop strong bonds. Additionally, Kurfewe serves as a means of bringing people together.

Lastly, Kurfewe serves as a setting where young boys can potentially find future partners, perhaps their future wives. Young girls from different villages gather together to celebrate Kurfewe, creating a favorable environment for young men to meet and choose from a wide selection of potential partners.

3.2.2. Gichame

Women in the Gurage Zone lead busy lives and often lack sufficient leisure time to relax, unlike many Ethiopian mothers. Therefore, Gichame serves as an ideal performance for them to entertain themselves, as it is exclusively performed by women. Singing, dancing, and the dramatic play known as “Ateberabign” form the core components of the Gichame performance. Gichame is commonly performed during wedding ceremonies, the annual holiday of “Asterio Mariam” (St. Mary’s Day), the monthly holiday dedicated to St. Mary (every 21st), and during group work sessions known as “Debo.”

Consequently, Gichame is performed to express gratitude to God and the revered figure of St. Mary when it is played on St. Mary’s Day. Gichame is also utilized as a means of critiquing one another during wedding ceremonies, facilitating the completion of group work tasks more easily during Debo, and providing an outlet for the expression of inner emotions. Furthermore, Gichame serves as a means of social gathering, allowing women to come together and connect. The Gichame dance also enables them to test their physical strength and flexibility.

3.2.3. Weyeg

Weyeg is performed with the purpose of praising their deities and gods. Additionally, it is utilized to honor individuals who have displayed bravery on the battlefield, virtuous behavior in their social lives, success in business endeavors, and exceptional motherhood skills. These individuals are bestowed with titles and praised or worshiped through song.

Another role of Weyeg is to serve as a means of transmitting their culture and history to the next generation. In the Gurage community, elders utilize Weyeg to share and teach their historical accounts and experiences to the younger generation.

Moreover, Weyeg serves as a source of inspiration and encouragement for the community. When warriors, hardworking individuals, and those who have achieved success are recognized through Weyeg, it motivates the youth to strive harder and bring positive changes to their own lives and the lives of their families. This traditional recognition ceremony holds significant importance.

In conclusion, all these performances are carried out to honor their deities, provide entertainment, preserve and pass down their culture and history. Consequently, they play a crucial role in building a healthy and harmonious nation, bringing together people from diverse ethnic groups, varied economic backgrounds, and different social strata.

3.3. The category of Kurfewe, Gichame and Weyeg

This section discusses the categorization of the three primary indigenous performances. Indigenous drama encompasses five distinct categories, namely seasonal, rites of passage, calendric, periodic, and occasional indigenous dramas. From these categories, the three main indigenous performances can be identified as follows.

3.3.1. Categories of Gichame indigenous drama

Among the various categories of indigenous performances, Gichame can be classified under both calendrical, seasonal, and occasional indigenous performances. The celebration of Gichame takes place in women’s houses, organized by the association of St. Mary’s members, on the 21st day of each month to commemorate St. Mary. Additionally, it is performed on January 21st, which marks the annual celebration day of “Asterio Mariam,” and during the celebration of “Antirocht,” which signifies Mother’s Day. These instances clearly demonstrate dramas that occur on specific calendar dates or are associated with them.

Furthermore, the performance of Gichame during the “Debo” activity, where women engage in cutting “enset” trees to collect “kocho,” and during wedding ceremonies, which are predominantly held during specific seasons of the year, signifies the occurrence of seasonal indigenous performances.

3.3.2. Categories of Kurfwe indigenous drama

Kurfwe Indigenous Drama is performed once a year in an open public space and primarily falls under the category of calendrical indigenous performance. Kurfwe is closely associated with the arrival of the Easter holiday, which is celebrated annually within the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahido Church according to the calendar.

3.3.3. Categories of Weyeg indigenous drama

Weyeg encompasses various categories of indigenous performances. Firstly, it is observed during wedding ceremonies and the “debo” activity, where “enset” trees are cut for the purpose of collecting “kocho.” These performances occur during specific seasons of the year, indicating their classification as seasonal indigenous dramas.

Furthermore, Weyeg includes the performance of welcoming soldiers returning from the battlefield and the invitation extended to different households to present the inviter’s life history and honor. These occurrences take place at irregular intervals when the need arises, signifying occasional indigenous drama.

Lastly, Weyeg plays a significant role in the rite of passage or liminality associated with major phases of human life, particularly during the occasion of childbirth. This showcases the categorization of Weyeg as a rite of passage or transition within indigenous drama.

4. Discussion

The present study focused on analyzing the indigenous drama elements present in the traditional folk performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg among the Gurage people. The findings of this research shed light on the diverse cultural practices and rich heritage of the Gurage community. The discussion will delve into the significance of indigenous performance, the role of traditional folk arts in Gurage society, and the implications of studying and documenting these performances.

Indigenous performance holds a deep-rooted connection to the land and community. It serves as a means of understanding, interaction, and control within the environment inhabited by indigenous peoples (Agrawal, Citation2001). The incorporation of elements from the surrounding world, such as animal movements, natural sounds, and spirits, creates a holistic and immersive experience for both performers and audiences (Steel & Heritage, Citation2020; Zidny et al., Citation2020). In the case of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg, these performances embrace the sights, sounds, and rhythms of specific places on Earth, allowing the Gurage people to celebrate their connection to the land.

The indigenous performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg encompass various elements of indigenous drama. These elements include the use of specific locations, properties, costumes, verbal and physical responses, imitation, role distribution, actor/audience separation, and representational acting. These elements contribute to the immersive and transformative nature of the performances, enabling participants to engage with their cultural heritage on multiple levels. The preservation of these indigenous drama elements is crucial for the continuity of traditional folk arts and the transmission of ancestral culture (Aboneh & Harrop, Citation1984; Grenier, Citation1998).

Each traditional folk performance holds distinct roles and purposes within Gurage society (Schlechner, Citation2003). Kurfewe serves as a form of entertainment, a commemoration of Jesus Christ’s suffering, a means of preserving and transmitting ancestral culture, and even a platform for finding a spouse. Gichame, on the other hand, is performed to express gratitude to God and the Virgin Mary, enhance group energy during work, and enliven events. Weyeg encompasses entertainment, the praise of gods and goddesses, the recognition of exemplary individuals, constructive criticism, and other purposes. These performances serve as cultural expressions, social gatherings, and avenues for spiritual connection, reflecting the multifaceted nature of Gurage society (Sahle & Saito, Citation2021).

Categorizing Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg as different types of traditional performing arts highlights the diversity within the Gurage cultural landscape. Kurfewe falls under the calendric category, as it is celebrated following the Easter holiday. Gichame is categorized as calendric (celebrated on the 21st or St. Mary’s day), seasonal (performed at weddings), and occasional (performed during Debo). Weyeg is classified as periodical (performed to praise Waq and Demuamit), seasonal (during weddings), and occasional (performed to honor an individual). This categorization provides insights into the temporal and contextual aspects of these performances, emphasizing their significance within specific cultural and social contexts.

The lack of research and documentation regarding the traditional activities and ceremonies of Gurage society highlights the importance of studying and documenting these traditional folk arts (Sahle & Saito, Citation2021). By preserving the original performances, understanding their structure, and maintaining their oral tradition, Gurage cultural heritage can be safeguarded and passed down to future generations. Furthermore, the documentation of specific ceremonies associated with these performances contributes to the broader understanding of Ethiopian indigenous theatre and its social contributions.

The methodology employed in this study, which utilized in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis, proved effective in gathering comprehensive data on the indigenous drama elements present in Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg. The combination of qualitative research approaches allowed for a deep exploration of participants’ perspectives, cultural significance, and historical context. The snowball sampling method ensured a diverse range of informants, enabling a more comprehensive understanding of the traditional folk performances.

In conclusion, the indigenous drama elements present in the traditional folk performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg among the Gurage people showcase the cultural richness and heritage of the community. These performances serve as a means of cultural expression, social gatherings, and spiritual connections. By studying and documenting these traditional folk arts, the Gurage cultural heritage can be preserved, and future generations can continue to engage with their ancestral traditions (Sahle & Saito, Citation2021). The findings of this research contribute to the broader field of indigenous theatre and highlight the significance of indigenous performance in the context of Gurage society.

Overall, the study underscores the importance of recognizing and valuing indigenous performance as a vital component of cultural identity and heritage. By understanding and preserving the indigenous drama elements present in traditional folk performances, communities like the Gurage can maintain a strong connection to their cultural roots and pass on their traditions to future generations. Further research and documentation in this field are essential to ensure the continued preservation and appreciation of these valuable cultural practices.

5. Conclusion

This study examined the indigenous drama elements in the traditional folk performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg. The analysis focused on nine indigenous drama elements and explored their interpretation and significance. Additionally, the roles and categories of these performances were investigated. The findings of the study indicate the following:

The traditional performing arts of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg encompass all the elements of indigenous drama, including representational acting, mimesis, location, costume, properties, verbal response, physical response, role distribution, and actor/audience separation. These elements have been identified and developed by scholars such as Aboneh Ashagrie, Peter Harrop, Richard Schechner, and Sara Brady.

Each of these indigenous performances serves distinct roles within their respective communities. Kurfewe is performed for entertainment, to commemorate the suffering of Jesus Christ, to preserve and transmit ancestral culture, and as a platform for socializing and matchmaking. Gichame, being performed in various contexts, fulfills different roles such as expressing gratitude to God and St. Mary, providing entertainment, fostering unity and collaboration, and creating an engaging atmosphere. Weyeg, on the other hand, serves as a form of entertainment, a means of praising deities and role models, a platform for criticism and amusement, and a way to recognize individuals for their achievements.

The indigenous performing arts of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg can be categorized into five main categories: seasonal, periodical, calendric, occasional, and rites of passage. Kurfewe falls under the calendric category as it is celebrated following the Easter holiday. Gichame is categorized as calendric (performed on specific dates such as the 21st or St. Mary’s Day), seasonal (during weddings), and occasional (during Debo). Weyeg is classified as periodical (performed at specific intervals to praise deities), seasonal (during weddings), and occasional (performed to recognize individuals).

This study contributes to a better understanding of the indigenous drama elements, roles, and categories present in the traditional folk performances of Kurfewe, Gichame, and Weyeg. The findings shed light on the cultural significance and diversity of these indigenous performing arts within their respective communities. The authors had a genuine interest in exploring and documenting the traditional drama elements among the Gurage community’s indigenous folk performances. The researchers used a comprehensive methodology such as interviews, focus group discussions, and document analysis to deeply understand the cultural importance of these folk performances. The research revealed the lack of prior documented research and paid due attention to the importance of preserving the Gurage cultural heritage through scientific evidence. The investigators also focused on the importance of traditional performance and its role in the indigenous arts, which portrays a significant and responsible approach. Moreover, this study has limited exploration of the drama and theatrical aspects of the Kurfwe, Weyeg, and Gichame indigenous folk performances of the Gurage communities of Ethiopia. The study primarily focuses on drama and theater limits to understanding the multidimensional performances of the community; however, this could be enhanced through further studies that specifically examine the dance, music, and art elements to gain a holistic understanding of these traditional folk performances.

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Supplemental data for this article can be accessed online at https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2292366

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Notes on contributors

Habtamu Wondimu

Habtamu Wondimu is a researcher and lecturer in the Department of Sociology at Wolkite University, Ethiopia. His research interests include gender issues, social determinants, vulnerability, cultural/indigenous practices, child indicator research, and environmental challenges.

Shikur Nasir

Shikur Nasir has a Masters’s Degree in Theater and Development from Addis Ababa University, Ethiopia. He is currently a lecturer and chairperson of the Department of Theatre Arts at Wolkite University, Ethiopia. His research interests lie in theater studies, art therapy, film studies, literature, and cultural studies.

Shashetu Bayu

Shashitu Bayu is an assistant professor in the Department of English Language and Literature at Wolkite University, Ethiopia. Her research interests fall into “English in contact”: interactions between English and other languages and cultures, Literature and Medicine, Cultural Practices, Globalization, and Planetary Studies.

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