Place Perception and Social Interaction on an Exurban Landscape in Central Colorado∗

∗This research was made possible by generous support from the University of Kansas Department of Geography and the University of Missouri Center for Arts & Humanities. The authors thank Elaine Lawless, Jim Whitworth, Matt Foulkes, Hilary Hungerford, Jason Dittmer, Mark Bowen, and the anonymous reviewers whose critiques on an earlier draft produced a stronger final manuscript. All remaining errors and omissions are the responsibility of the authors.

Abstract

An assumption commonly made in research on exurbanization is that the subdivision of land ownership necessarily creates a socially divisive landscape devoid of shared place perceptions and concerns. This article presents the results of an ethnography project undertaken in a former Colorado ranching valley that is currently exurbanizing. The study revealed not only the emergence of social networks and groups among new residents, but also the presence of distinct themes in place perception and assessment within these assemblages. In particular, the results indicated that concerns about natural hazards and environmental limitations have motivated new residents to interact with one another.

∗This research was made possible by generous support from the University of Kansas Department of Geography and the University of Missouri Center for Arts & Humanities. The authors thank Elaine Lawless, Jim Whitworth, Matt Foulkes, Hilary Hungerford, Jason Dittmer, Mark Bowen, and the anonymous reviewers whose critiques on an earlier draft produced a stronger final manuscript. All remaining errors and omissions are the responsibility of the authors.

Key Words:

• Colorado
• exurbanization
• place perception
• rural change
• self-directed photography

Notes

∗This research was made possible by generous support from the University of Kansas Department of Geography and the University of Missouri Center for Arts & Humanities. The authors thank Elaine Lawless, Jim Whitworth, Matt Foulkes, Hilary Hungerford, Jason Dittmer, Mark Bowen, and the anonymous reviewers whose critiques on an earlier draft produced a stronger final manuscript. All remaining errors and omissions are the responsibility of the authors.

¹In addition to the deflationary effects of such industrialization on commodities markets, skyrocketing energy prices in the 1970s elevated costs for small-scale production schemes that increasingly involved expensive technology, fertilizers and petrochemicals, and longer distances to market. Farmers and ranchers also faced more personal pressures—accumulating debts, high inheritance taxes, and increasingly attractive offers from developers—all of which compounded the situation. The affluence of white-collar professionals increased after the war, evident in rising real incomes, easier access to credit, and the investment opportunities afforded by surplus wealth.

²The rationale for the standard 35-acre lot size is 1972 Colorado Senate Bill 35, which exempts any lot of that size or larger from county zoning ordinances. Developers are therefore not required to provide utilities, meaning that buyers are responsible for drilling their own water wells, a procedure that can cost as much as $30,000 per well.

³ Gosnell, Haggerty, and Travis (2006) discuss at length how this assumption factors into scholarship on the ecological effects of exurbanization and the conservation issues related to these settings.

⁴It should be noted that we were able to include those residents who were not interviewed if a participant indicated a social relationship with them.

⁵Three of us have spent considerable time over the years in Garden Park working with ranchers and other residents on a variety of projects related to landscape change, a time depth that aided in securing participation and in interpreting the interview and photography results.