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Abstract
Meyer Schapiro’s landmark article, ‘From Mozarabic to Romanesque at Silos’, advanced the notion that visual evidence for resistance to the newly adopted Roman rite (Council of Burgos, 1080) could be found in the art and architecture of the monastery of Santo Domingo de Silos. This article suggests that Schapiro’s inquiry could have been more successfully pursued at the Riojan monastery of San Millán de la Cogolla, the only site where written evidence for this resistance is preserved. This study considers the Arca of San Felices and its Romanesque ivories (c. 1090) in the context of sweeping political and religious changes that threatened the cult of Emilian, the monastery’s patron saint, who was venerated in the Old Hispanic rite and whose remains were translated to their own deluxe shrine earlier in the century. That efforts were again marshalled to promote Felix, an obscure local hermit who was once Emilian’s teacher, are presented here as a form of resistance to the imposition of the Roman rite.
Abstract
‘From Mozarabic to Romanesque at Silos’ el artículo emblemático de Meyer Schapiro, propone la idea de que una evidencia visual de la resistencia al rito Romano recientemente adoptado (Consejo de Burgos de 1080) puede ser encontrado en el arte y la arquitectura del monasterio de Santo Domingo de Silos. Este artículo sugiere que la investigación de Schapiro hubiera sido más exitosa si hubiera ocurrido en el monasterio de San Millán de la Cogolla en La Rioja, el único sitio donde se preserva evidencia escrita de dicha resistencia. Este estudio examina el Arca de San Felices y los marfiles románicos (de h. 1090) en el contexto de importantes cambios políticos y religiosos que amenazaban el culto de Emiliano (el santo patrono del monasterio venerado en el ritual visigótico), cuyos restos mortales fueron trasladados a un lujoso altar a principios del siglo. El hecho de que se hicieran de nuevo esfuerzos por promover a Félix, un desconocido ermitaño local que una vez fuera maestro de Emiliano, se presenta como una forma de resistencia a la imposición del rito romano.
Notes
1 M. Schapiro, ‘From Mozarabic to Romanesque at Silos’, The Art Bulletin, 21 (1939), 312–74; reprinted in M. Schapiro, Romanesque Art. Selected Papers (New York: George Braziller, 1977), pp. 28–101.
2 E. Valdez del Álamo, Palace of the Mind: The Cloister of Silos and Spanish Sculpture of the Twelfth Century (Turnhout: Brepols, 2012) offers an overview of the controversies surrounding the monastic chronology. See the review by John Williams, forthcoming in Medievalismo. J. L. Senra, ‘Between Rupture and Continuity: Romanesque Sculpture at the Monastery of Santo Domingo de Silos’, in Current Directions in Eleventh- and Twelfth-Century Sculpture Studies, ed. by R. Maxwell and K. Ambrose (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), pp. 41–167, presents a recent and thorough analysis of these issues. I was unable to examine G. Boto Varela, ‘Ora et memoria. Il chiostro di San Domenico di Silos: castellum, paradisum, monumentum’, in Medioevo: Immagine e Memoria, ed. by A. C. Quintavalle (Milan: Electa, 2009), pp. 105–28.
3 Some of these issues are presented in the entry on the Silos Beatus (London, British Library, MS Add. 11695) in J. Williams, The Illustrated Beatus: A Corpus of the Illustrations of the Commentary on the Apocalypse, 5 vols (London: Harvey Miller, 1994–2003), iv, 35–37. See also A. Boylan, ‘The Silos Beatus and the Silos Scriptorium’, in Church, State, Vellum, and Stone: Essays on Medieval Spain in Honor of John Williams, ed. by T. Martin and J. Harris (Leiden: Brill, 2005), pp. 173–206.
4 ‘For arguments against the abandonment of the Mozarabic liturgy, we have only two texts, which originated in one place, the abbey of San Millán de la Cogolla’: R. Walker, Views of Transition: Liturgy and Illumination in Medieval Spain (London: British Library, 1998), p. 31. The texts appear in the Codex Aemilianensis, Biblioteca de la Escorial, cod. d.I, fol. 395v, and the Liber Comicus, RAH, Aem. 22, fol. 195. The situation at San Millán during the period of liturgical reform and political restructuring of the Rioja has recently been discussed in Carolina Carl, A Bishopric between Three Kingdoms: Calahorra, 1045–1190 (Leiden: Brill, 2011). For the Liber Comicus, see pp. 68–69.
5 For the history of the monastery, see J. A. Harris, ‘The Arca of San Millán de la Cogolla and its Ivories’ (PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 1989). For the Arca and its surviving plaques, see The Art of Medieval Spain ad 500–1200 (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1993), cat. nos 125a–g. More recently, see I. Bango Torviso, Emiliano, un santo de la España visigoda, y el arca románica de sus reliquias (Salamanca: Kadmos, 2007) and the entries by M. Poza Yagüe in Maravillas de la España medieval: Tesoro sagrado y monarquía, ed. by I. Bango Torviso, 2 vols (León: Junta de Castilla y León, 2000), i, 393–98. For the monastery’s illuminated manuscripts: S. de Silva y Verástegui, La Miniatura en el Monasterio de San Millán de la Cogolla: una contribución al estudio de los códices miniados en los siglos XI al XII (Logroño: Instituto de Estudios Riojanos, 1999) and Williams, The Illustrated Beatus, iii. A newly rediscovered liturgical manuscript from the scriptorium was published by S. Boynton, ‘A Lost Mozarabic Liturgical Manuscript Rediscovered: New York, Hispanic Society of America, B2916, olim Toledo, Biblioteca Capitular, 332’, Traditio, 57 (2002), 189–219.
6 For example, M. Camille, ‘How New York Stole the Idea of Romanesque Art: Medieval, Modern and Postmodern in Meyer Schapiro’, Oxford Art Journal, 17 (1994), 65–75; J. Williams, ‘Meyer Schapiro in Silos: Pursuing an Iconography of Style’, The Art Bulletin, 85 (2003), 442–68.
7 The letter of 1 August 1927 describes Schapiro’s meeting with Manuel Gómez Moreno in Madrid: Meyer Schapiro Abroad: Letters to Lillian and Travel Notebooks, ed. by D. Esterman (Los Angeles: Getty Research Institute, 2009), pp. 101–04. Gómez Moreno had discussed the monastery’s architecture in his Iglesias mozárabes, arte español de los siglos IX a XI, 2 vols (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1919).
8 Meyer Schapiro Abroad, pp. 232–33, includes a map and itinerary of Schapiro’s travels. Schapiro’s letters from Burgos, dated 20 August 1927, and Toulouse, dated 25 August 1927, describe his four days at Silos: Meyer Schapiro Abroad, pp. 113–15.
9 This is Boston Museum of Fine Arts, 36.626. The other half of the plaque, which depicts the death of St Aemilianus, is in the Bargello Museum. A plaque from the reliquary was purchased by the Metropolitan Museum of Art as recently as 1987: C. Little, ‘Acquisitions Announcement’, The Metropolitan Museum of Art: Recent Acquisitions: A Selection 1986–87 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1987), p. 15.
10 A full record of the removal of the ivories and the public response can be found in the files of the Museo Arqueológico in Madrid, which I examined in 1986. Although Schapiro visited the museum during his time in Madrid (1–3 August 1927), he does not mention the ivories. In ‘the Archaeological Museum, I finished only a few rooms — all too absorbing for this short stay’: Meyer Schapiro Abroad, p. 104. See also J. A. Nieto Viguera, San Millán de la Cogolla: las arcas románicas y sus marfiles: San Millán y San Felices (León: Edilesa, 2009). Detailed provenances for the ivory plaques are given in a forthcoming dissertation by Noemi Álvarez da Silva, Universidad de León.
11 A. K. Porter, ‘Leonesque Romanesque and Southern France’, The Art Bulletin, 8 (1926), 235–50.
12 These ivory objects are connected to the donation of Fernando and Sancha to San Isidoro in León in 1063: The Art of Medieval Spain, cat. nos 109, 110, 111, 112, 113, 117. For the context surrounding the donation, see J. Williams, ‘León: The Iconography of the Capital’, in Cultures of Power: Lordship, Status and Process in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. by T. Bisson (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995), pp. 231–58.
13 Williams, ‘Meyer Schapiro, Pursuing an Iconography of Style’, has questioned the extent to which Schapiro’s early work was motivated by an interest in social history.
14 Harris, ‘The Arca of San Millán’, pp. 197–205. More recently, D. Peterson, ‘Rebranding San Millán de la Cogolla: The Becerro Galicano as a Rejection of the Monastery’s Navarrese Heritage (1192–95)’, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 5 (2013), 184–203, especially pp. 186–87. Peterson sees the earliest phase of the cult and monastery as Castilian in focus.
15 L. Vázquez de Parga, J. M. Lacarra, & J. Uria Riu, Las peregrinaciones a Santiago de Compostela, 2 vols (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1948–1949), i, 158.
16 The actual location of Emilian’s Visigothic-era hermitage is debated; the later Navarrese connection to the site is not in question, although there have been various dates proposed for the burials at the Suso church. For the controversy over the original site of Emilian’s hermitage with additional bibliography, see E. Gutiérrez Cuenca & J. A. Hierro Gárate, ‘San Millán en Valderredible? Reflexiones a propósito de una publicación reciente’, Nivel Cero, 12 (2010), 97–113. Prudencio de Sandoval, Primera Parte de las fundaciones de los monasterios del glorioso Padre San Benito (Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1601), fol. 89r, describes the Navarrese graves.
17 This is the view of A. Ubieto Arteta, ‘La introducción del rito romano en Aragón y Navarra’, Hispania Sacra, 1 (1948), 299–324, especially pp. 304–06, where Sancho is entitled ‘Sancho de Peñalen, Anticluniacense’.
18 Walker, Views of Transition, p. 24.
19 See also note 3, above.
20 Walker, Views of Transition, pp. 31–34 and 226–27, which reproduces and translates the Latin text written on one of the end folios of the Liber Comicus, RAH, Aem. 22. This was earlier transcribed by J. Pérez de Urbel, ‘El último defensor de la liturgia mozárabe’, in Miscellanea Liturgica in honorem L. Cuniberti Mohlberg, 2 vols (Rome: Edizione Liturgiche, 1949), ii, 189–97. The most recent translation appears in P. Henriet, ‘Retour sur le “dernier défenseur de la liturgie mozarabe”, avec la réédition d’un texte polémique de la fin du XI siècle contenu dans un lectionnaire de San Millán de la Cogolla’, in Parva pro magnis munera: étudies de littérature tardo-antique et médiévale offerte à François Dolbeau par ses élèves, ed. by M. Goullet (Brepols: Turnout, 2009), pp. 725–41. See also M. A. Franco Mata, ‘Liturgia hispánica y marfiles: talleres de León y San Millán de la Cogolla en el siglo XI’, Codex aquilarensis: Cuadernos de investigación del Monasterio de Santa María la Real, 22 (2006), pp. 92–145. For the Codex Aemilianensis from an art historical perspective, see The Art of Medieval Spain, cat. no. 83.
21 Walker, Views of Transition, p. 208.
22 For RAH 18, see E. Ruiz García, Catálogo de la Sección de Códices de la Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid: RAH, 1997), pp. 149–52 with bibliography.
23 Williams, The Illustrated Beatus, iii, 25.
24 Walker, Views of Transition, pp. 75–76.
25 The relics of Nunilo and Alodia, virgin sisters whose martyrdom at the hands of Muslims was recorded by Eulogius, were kept at San Salvador de Leire: J. Harris, ‘Muslim Ivories in Christian Hands: The Leire Casket in Context’, Art History, 18 (1995), 213–21. St Pelagius was a Christian youth held hostage and martyred in Córdoba by the Caliph Abd al-Rahman III in 925. His relics were first brought to the convent of San Pelayo in León in 966, moved to Oviedo due to the threat of Muslim raids, and finally returned in 1053 to the church of St John the Baptist in León, where they were placed in a reliquary with the relics of St John the Baptist. For this reliquary, see The Art of Medieval Spain, cat. no. 109.
26 Walker, Views of Transition, p. 80.
27 For the architectural patronage of Sancho el Mayor, see J. Mann, Romanesque Architecture and its Sculptural Decoration in Christian Spain, 1000–1120: Exploring Frontiers and Defining Identities (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2009), ch. 2. Discussion of Sancho’s renovations to San Millán appears on pp. 50–60. Mann presents the debate over al-Mansur’s notorious sack of the monastery on pp. 53–54. I was unable to consult Sancho el Mayor y sus herederos: El linaje que europeizó los reinos hispanos, ed. by I. Bango Torviso (Pamplona: Fundación para la Conservación del Patrimonio Histórico de Navarra, 2006).
28 ‘artificibus interim arcam gemmis intextam parari precepit’: Lectio V of De translatione Sancti Aemiliani, in La Vida de San Millán de la Cogolla de Gonzalo de Berceo, ed. by B. Dutton (London: Tamesis Books, 1967), p. 32. For problems surrounding the translation of 1030, see Harris, ‘The Arca of San Millán’, pp. 19–21.
29 Again, there are no contemporary documents for this. The account depends on De translatione Sancti Emiliani, written by the monk Fernando in the early thirteenth century and edited in La Vida, ed. by B. Dutton, pp. 34–35. It also appears in the Crónica Najerense, ed. by A. Ubieto Arteta (Valencia: Textos Medievales, 1966), ch. 16, p. 93: ‘Corpus etiam beati Emiliani illuc adducere uoluit. Sed cum de loco illud et de monasterio ubi erat ad planitiem ductum esset, nec retro nec ante sicut erat propositum illud mouere ullo modo potuerunt’.
30 The Arca of San Millán is generally dated to 1067 in order to correspond with the date of the second translation of Emilian’s relics, according to Fernando’s thirteenth-century account. I discuss the problems with this chronology in Harris, ‘The Arca of San Millán’, pp. 181–97.
31 Prudencio de Sandoval, Primera Parte, fols 23v–27v. Another less detailed description was later published in D. Mecolaeta, Desagravio de la verdad en la historia de San Millán (Madrid: Lorenço Francisco Mojados, 1724).
32 C. H. Lynch and P. Galindo, San Braulio, Obispo de Zaragoza. Su vida y sus obras (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1950).
33 I offered a possible reconstruction of the Arca of San Millán in Harris, ‘The Arca of San Millán’, figs 73–76. A more recent reconstruction of the reliquary casket has appeared in I. Bango Torviso, Emiliano, un santo de la España visigoda, y el arca románica de sus reliquias (Salamanca: Fundación San Millán de la Cogolla, 2007), pp. 68–70. The casket is fully analysed in Melanie Hanan’s recent unpublished dissertation, ‘Casket Reliquaries: Forms, Meanings, and Development’ (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2013) and also features in a forthcoming dissertation by Noemi Álvarez da Silva at the University of León. See also Juan Ángel Nieto Viguera, San Millán de la Cogolla, Las Arcas Románicas y sus Marfiles: San Millán y San Felices (León: Edilesa, 2009), pp. 11–25, whose illustrations include the original wooden armature with labelled locations for the ivories once mounted there.
34 The Art of Medieval Spain, cat. no. 74, with additional bibliography.
35 The Art of Medieval Spain, cat. no. 72, with additional bibliography. See Signum Salutis, Cruces de orfebrería de los siglos V al XII, ed. by C. García de Castro (Oviedo: Consejería de Cultura y Turismo del Principado de Asturias, 2008).
36 The ordo was translated by J. N. Hillgarth, Christianity and Paganism, 350–750: The Conversion of Western Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1986), pp. 93–95. See also Roger Collins, ‘Continuity and Loss in Medieval Spanish Culture: The Evidence of MS Silos, Archivo Monástico 4’, in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence, ed. by R. Collins and A. Goodman (Gordonsville, VA: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. 1–22. The crosses and their liturgical use are discussed on pp. 8–9.
37 See G. Anderson, ‘Sign of the Cross: Contexts for the Ivory Cross of San Millán de la Cogolla?’, Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies, 6 (2014), 15–41, who argues that the Cross was a diplomatic gift commissioned and presented by Tota in the context of negotiations between García Sánchez and the Caliphate of Córdoba.
38 J. Harris, ‘Culto y narrativa en los marfiles de San Millán de la Cogolla’, Boletín del Museo Arqueológico Nacional, 9 (1991), 69–86.
39 Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla (759–1076), ed. by A. Ubieto Arteta (Valencia: Anubar, 1976).
40 Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla, p. 342, document 361, from 1067. B. Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VI, 1065–1109 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988), p. 97, expresses scepticism over the sources regarding these councils.
41 Ubieto Arteta, ‘La introducción del rito romano’, pp. 303–06, and ‘Las Fronteras de Navarra’, Príncipe de Viana, 14 (1953), 61–98 (p. 72). This is also the view of Carl, A Bishopric between three Kingdoms, p. 58.
42 The Art of Medieval Spain, cat. no. 127, with additional bibliography. Melanie Hanan, ‘Casket Reliquaries’, pp. 161–62 and 167–74, presents a very different view of the reliquary’s manufacture. As Dr Hanan is currently in the process of publishing her dissertation, I will not restate her arguments here.
43 Chapter two of the Vita is entitled ‘Ubi ad quendam perrixit monacum in castro Bilibiensi’. The text reads ‘Dictaverat ei fama esse quendam heremitam nomine Felicem, virum sanctissimum cui se non inmerito praeberet discipulum, qui tunc morabatur in castellum Bilibium, Arripiens iter peruenit ad eum cuius se famulatui quum subicit promptum, instituitur ab eo quo pacto innutabundum possit ad supernum regnum dirigere gressum’: Sancti Braulionis Caesaraugustani Episcopi Vita S. Emiliani, ed. by L. Vázquez de Parga (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1943), pp. 7 and 14–15 (‘Rumor had brought him word that a certain hermit named Felix, a most holy man to whom he might properly offer himself as a disciple, was then living in Castle Bilibium. He hastened thither and came to him and readily offered himself as a servant and was instructed by him how to guide his steps unfalteringly towards the kingdom above’: The Iberian Fathers, ed. by C. Barlow, 2 vols (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1969), ii, 121).
44 The plaque, which is preserved at the monastery, depicts two vertically arranged scenes. Below, the sleeping Emilian is visited by an angel, with the inscription ‘UBI IN EUM DIVINITUS IRRUIT SOPOR’. Emilian’s visit to Felix is depicted above: ‘UBI VENIT AD S(AN)C(TU)M FELICEM BILIBIENSEM’. Bango notes that this carved reference to Felix as a saint, which does not follow the Vita Sancti Aemiliani, shows that Felix has benefited from Emilian’s popularity: Bango, Emiliano, un santo de la España visigoda, p. 86.
45 Prudencio de Sandoval, Primera Parte, fol. 38, recorded the inscription ‘Petrus Abbas fecit anno 1451’ on the reliquary.
46 The ivory plaque representing Christ and his Apostles was seen by Adolph Goldschmidt in the Berlin-Dahlem Museum, but is now lost.
47 S. Moralejo Álvarez, ‘Une Sculpture du style de Bernard Gilduin à Jaca’, Bulletin Monumental, 131 (1973), 7–16, especially pp. 14–16.
48 J. Cabanot, ‘Le décor sculpté de la basilique Saint-Sernin de Toulouse’, Bulletin Monumental, 132 (1974), 99–145, especially p. 101.
49 S. de Silva y Verástegui, ‘Del “Mozarabe” al Románico en el escritorio de San Millán de la Cogolla’, in Monjes y monasterios Españoles: Arte, arquitectura, restauraciones, iconografía, música, hospitales y enfermerías, medicina, farmacia, mecenazgo, estudiantes, ed. by F. Javier Campos y Fernández de Sevilla, 3 vols (San Lorenzo del Escorial: Estudios Superiores del Escorial, 1995), i, 1143–70. Also de Silva y Verástegui, La miniatura.
50 Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla (1076–1200), ed. by M. L. Ledesma Rubio (Zaragoza: Textos Medievales, 1989), document 196, p. 135: ‘latus vinea de Fortun Sanchiz qui est de sancti Emiliani, de alia pars vinea de sancti Martini, ad honorem sancti Felicis concessa’. Also document 197, p. 136: ‘Alia vinea que dedit Dominico et uxor eius Flagina ad Sancti Felicis et Sancti Emiliani [...]’.
51 Grimaldus’s account in RAH 10 (fols 91v–95v) was copied and also translated by Prudencio de Sandoval. The Latin text also appears in España Sagrada, ed. by E. Florez (Madrid: Pedro Marín, 1731), xxxiii, 439–49. In addition, Grimaldus collected a number of miracles associated with St Felix: España Sagrada, xxxiii, 450–58. For RAH 10, see Ruiz García, Catálogo, pp. 101–09, with bibliography. I would like to thank Penny Livermore for her help with the Latin.
52 España Sagrada, xxxiii, 447: ‘mihi inde non imputetur culpa: ego me omnino judico indignum & ignarum esse re tam sanctissima’.
53 Lope Jiménez’s father held the tenancy of Nájera, Vizcaya, and Álava, land which Alfonso VI received after the death of Sancho el Peñalen: B. Reilly, The Contest of Christian and Muslim Spain 1031–1157 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1995), p. 77. Alfonso consolidated the Basque territories under Lope, who had cooperated with the Leonese in the partition of Navarre in 1067: Reilly, The Contest, pp. 107–08. Lope and/or his wife Tecla (or Ticla) appear in a number of donations to the monastery: Cartulario de San Millán de la Cogolla (1076–1200), document 17, 14 March 1079 (pp. 22–23); document 40, 1081 (pp. 39–40); document 48, 17 August 1082 (pp. 44–45); document 58, 1082 (p. 51); document 89, 1084 (pp. 68–69); document 150, 1080–68 (pp. 105–6); and document 209, 1091 (p. 144), in which Alfonso VI, petitioned by Count Lope and his wife Tecla, donates the monastery of San Andrés de Astigarribia to San Millán. Blas appears as Abbot of San Millán de la Cogolla in monastic documents of the period: see document 152, 21 July 1087 (pp. 107–08); document 153, 1087 (pp. 108–09); document 183, 1088 (pp. 127–28); document 187, 25 November 1089 (pp. 127–31); document 204, 1090 (pp. 140–41); and document 209, 1091 (p. 144).
54 ‘nam statim ab eodem tumulo egressa suavissimi odoris fragrantia, odoribus omnium anteponenda aromatum’, and ‘cum magnae religionis honorificentia, de locello humilis tumuli erigentes, pretiosissimis et mundissimis palliis diligentissime involverunt, atque tripudiantes de caelesti thesauro sibi (Domino concedente) concesso, cum ingenti exultatione ad proprium Beati Aemiliani Monasterium redierunt’: España Sagrada, xxxiii, 448.
55 ‘mox ut sacratissimum sepulchrum sanctissimi viri, ut illud aperiret percussit, superna ira terribili ultione non solum eum a loco venerandi tumuli perulit, sed etiam deformi oris tortione damnavit, verum esse hoc’: España Sagrada, xxxiii, 448–49.
56 Peterson, ‘Rebranding San Millán’. See also J. Á. García de Cortázar y Ruiz de Aguirre, ‘La construcción de memoria histórica en el Monasterio de San Millán de la Cogolla (1090–1240)’, in Los monasterios riojanos en la Edad Media: historia, cultura y arte, ed. by J. Cordero Rivera (Logroño: Ateneo Riojano, 2005), pp. 71–94; and J. García Turza, ‘San Millán de la Cogolla entre la historia y el mito: la elaboración de una memoria histórica’, in Mundos medievales: espacios, sociedades, y poder. Homenaje al Profesor José Ángel García Cortázar de Aguirre, ed. by B. Arízaga Bolumburu et al., 2 vols (Santander: PubliCan, 2012), i, 557–72.
57 Peña describes the book as ‘un voluminoso libro manuscrito en el que se hallan recopilados varios capítulos sobre este monasterio de San Millán’. He quotes this source: ‘Depositáronle con gran regocijo en la Arca misma que avía ocupado por 37 años su discípulo y que la había desocupado ya avía 23 años. Y aunque era muy decente, dádiva, en fin, del rey Don Sancho y de plata, como vimos quando le trasladó a esta otra su nieto, no le debió de parecer tan preciosa como era justo al magnánimo corazón del Abad Don Pedro Sánchez del Castillo, último de los claustrales de esta Casa, y así el año 1488 mandó adornarla con la rica cubierta de plata, marfil y pedrería que hoy ostenta y debajo de la cual le veneramos’ (J. Peña, Los Marfiles de San Millán de la Cogolla (Logroño: Editorial Ochoa, 1978), p. 124).
58 ‘y dentro de ella esta un letrero colorado, que dice: Petrus Abbas fecit anno 1451’. Sandoval’s description of the reliquaries at the monastery is reproduced in España Sagrada, xxxiii, 411–12.
59 For questions surrounding the authorship of the Translation of San Felices, see V. Valcárcel, La Vita Dominici Siliensis de Grimaldo: Estudio, edición crítica y traducción (Logroño: Servicio de Cultura de la Exma. Diputación Provincial, 1982), pp. 95–97; and Dutton, La Vida de San Millán, p. 234, n. 2.
60 Reilly, The Kingdom of León-Castilla under King Alfonso VI, pp. 210–13.
61 J. A. García Cortázar, El dominio del monasterio de San Millán de la Cogolla (siglos X a XIII), Introducción a la historia rural de Castilla altomedieval (Salamanca: Universidad de Salamanca, 1969), pp. 178–79.
62 Peterson, ‘Rebranding San Millán’.
63 J. Pérez-Embid Wamba takes a different approach by arguing that it was probably Emilian’s status as a Visigothic hermit that motivated the monastery to translate Felix’s remains and record a number of miracles connected to him. While recognizing that this occurred during a period of reform in both the monastic and secular church, Wamba’s interpretation does not focus on the change of rite but on changing opinions of the sanctity of hermits: J. Pérez-Embid Wamba, Hagiología y sociedad en la España medieval: Castilla y León (Siglos XI–XIII) (Huelva: University of Huelva), especially pp. 92 and 102.