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Abstract
By examining transformations of Manchu–Chosŏn relations from 1616 to 1643, the author argues that the Manchu regime invoked its new position of the “Central Kingdom” to construct its politico-cultural identity as “Zhongguo” before 1644. After it imposed a “younger brother” relationship on Chosŏn in 1627, the Manchu regime developed a new political discourse regarding Chosŏn, the Ming, and other political entities. In this way, it started claiming centrality in the Chinese world. It also expressed the goal of transforming into Zhongguo and began barbarianizing other countries as a concurrent process of its Sinicization. By further imposing the Zongfan (a.k.a. tributary) relationship on Chosŏn in 1637, the Qing started to replace the Ming's central position in the Chinese world and eliminate its former identity as barbarian. The intensive Qing–Chosŏn communications between 1637 and 1643 strengthened the Qing's identity as Zhongguo and contributed to the rise of the “Chosŏn Model” for Qing China.
Notes
1 This essay follows the Pinyin Romanization system for Chinese, Möllendorff for Manchu, McCune–Reischauer for Korean, and Hepburn for Japanese. The abbreviation “Ch.” means Chinese, “Ma.” refers to Manchu, and “K.” refers to Korean.
2 See, for example, Mark C. Elliott, “Manchu (Re)Definitions of the Nation in the Early Qing,” and The Manchu Way, 358–61; James A. Millward, Beyond the Pass, 8–15; Zhao Gang, “Reinventing China”; Hirano Satoshi, Shin teikoku to chibetto mondai (The Qing empire and the Tibet issue), 36–41; Huang Xingtao, “Qingdai manren de ‘zhongguo rentong’” (The Manchus' “Zhongguo identity” in the Qing dynasty).
3 David M. Farquhar, “The Origins of the Manchus' Mongolian Policy,” 199–200; Peter C. Perdue, China Marches West, 122–27.
4 Gertraude Roth Li, “State Building before 1644”; Liu Xiaomeng, Manzu cong buluo dao guojia de fazhan (The development of the Manchus from tribe to country).
5 See, for example, Mary C. Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism; Evelyn S. Rawski, “Reenvisioning the Qing”; Ho Pingti, “The Significance of the Ch'ing Period in Chinese History” and “In Defense of Sinicization”; Pamela Kyle Crossley, The Manchus and A Translucent Mirror; Pei Huang, Reorienting the Manchus.
6 See, for example, Sun Weiguo, Daming qihao yu xiao Zhonghua yishi (The Great Ming dynasty and the ideology of Little China); Wang Yuanzhou, Xiao Zhonghua yishi de shanbian (Transformations of the ideology of Little China); Yamauchi Kōichi, Chōsen kara mita kai shisō (The Chinese–Barbarians ideology observed from the perspective of Chosŏn); and Evelyn S. Rawski, Early Modern China and Northeast Asia.
7 The article uses the Chinese indigenous term “Zongfan,” rather than the English term “tributary” or “tribute,” to address the nature of the Ming/Qing–Chosŏn relationship. The Ming followed the principles of the Zhou to restore the Zongfan system, and in 1402 Emperor Yongle (r. 1402–24) awarded the king of Chosŏn the official robe in accordance with the rank of first-degree prince (Ch. qinwang; K. ch'inwang, a brother of the emperor), which substantially added Chosŏn to the Ming's Zongfan system, an arrangement identified by Chosŏn. The Qing did not change this nature when it replaced the Ming in the bilateral Zongfan system after 1637.
8 Daming huidian (Collected statutes of the Great Ming), vol. 107, 7a, vol. 113, 6a.
9 See Manbun rōtō (Old records written in Manchu, hereafter referred to as MBRT), vol. 1, 67; Qing taizuchao manwen yuandang (The Manchu records on the Nurhaci period of the Qing), vol. 1, 63.
10 See Pamela Kyle Crossley, “Manzhou Yuanliu Kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage.”
11 See, Meng Sen, “Qing taizu gaotian qi dahen zhi zhenben yanjiu” (A study of original text of Nurhaci's Seven Grievances).
12 Kwanghaegun ilgi (The annals of Kwanghaegun, hereafter referred to as KHGIG), vol. 29, 522, 531.
13 KHGIG, vol. 30, 92, 103.
14 MBRT, vol. 1, 143.
15 KHGIG, vol. 30, 126–27; MBRT, vol. 4, 3.
16 KHGIG, vol. 30, 169.
17 Qing taizong shilu (Veritable records of Hongtaiji, hereafter referred to as TZOSL), vol. 2, 35–39.
18 Yinjo sillok (Veritable records of King Yinjo of Chosŏn, hereafter referred to as YJSL), vol. 34, 163, 168, 208.
19 YJSL, vol. 34, 168; M. Frederick Nelson, Korea and the Old Orders in Eastern Asia, 79–80.
20 YJSL, vol. 34, 181, 186–87, 623; MBRT, vol. 4, 51; TZOSL, vol. 2, 39–40; Chang Tsun-wu, Qing han Zongfan maoyi, 1637–1894 (Sino–Korean tributary trade, 1637–1894), 7; Liu Jiaju, Qingchao chuqi de zhonghan guanxi (Sino–Korean relations in the early Qing period), 15–16; Choi So-ja, Myŏngch’ŏng sidae junghan kwan'gyesa yŏn'gu (Sino–Korean relations in the Ming–Qing transitional period), 107–08.
21 YJSL, vol. 34, 208.
22 TZOSL, vol. 2, 179–180.
23 See Suzuki Kai, “‘Manbun gentō’ ni mieru Chōsen kokuō no koshō” (“The names of the king of Chosŏn in ‘Original records written in Manchu’”), 83–98.
24 MBRT, vol. 5, 619–21.
25 See, for example, MBRT, vol. 5, 803, 853.
26 Tiancongchao chengong zouyi (Palace Memorials of Han Chinese officials during the Tiancong period, hereafter referred to as TCCGZY), vol. 2, 1a–3b, 20b.
27 MBRT, vol. 5, 825–26.
28 TCCGZY, vol. 2, 44b-45b.
29 MBRT, vol. 4, 92–95.
30 TZOSL, vol. 2, 171.
31 TZOSL, vol. 2, 45, 51–52, 54, 57, 105, 110, 192–93.
32 See MBRT, vol. 4, 99–100; TZOSL, vol. 2, 190–91.
33 TCCGZY, vol. 3-1, 10a–11b.
34 TCCGZY, vol. 3–1, 35a–b; vol. 3-2, 15b.
35 TCCGZY, vol. 3–2, 18a.
36 TCCGZY, vol. 3–1, 11b, 22b.
37 See J. K. Fairbank and S. Y. Têng, “On the Ch'ing Tributary System,” 137–38.
38 See MBRT, vol. 1, 76–78, 159–60, 191–92. For relations between “gurun” and the Manchu perception of “nation,” see Mark C. Elliott, “Manchu (Re)Definitions of the Nation in the Early Qing,” and The Manchu Way, 63–72.
39 See Imanishi Shunjū, Man–wa mō–wa taiyaku Manshū jitsuroku (Comparative translation of the Manchu–Japanese and the Mongolian–Japanese Manchu records).
40 MBRT, vol. 1, 159–60, 191–92.
41 MBRT, vol. 4, 125; Shin sanchō jitsuroku saiyo (Excerpts from the first three annals of the Qing dynasty), vol. 1; TZOSL, vol. 2, 190–91.
42 TZOSL, vol. 2, 71.
43 MBRT, vol. 5, 792; TZOSL, vol. 2, 165.
44 TCCGZY, vol. 3-1, 35a–b.
45 MBRT, vol. 4, 29–30; vol. 7, 1439–41; TZOSL, vol. 2, 42, 404.
46 YJSL, vol. 34, 625; MBRT, vol. 6, 981.
47 MBRT, vol. 4, 92, 332.
48 MBRT, vol. 4, 28.
49 MBRT, vol. 6, 893–98.
50 TZOSL, vol. 2, 341, 347, 358.
51 YJSL, vol. 34, 624.
52 YJSL, vol. 34, 624–25; MBRT, vol. 6, 904–11; TZOSL, vol. 2, 347–49.
53 YJSL, vol. 34, 625.
54 See MBRT, vol. 6, 982, 993–94; TZOSL, vol. 2, 360–63; YJSL, vol. 34, 631.
55 TZOSL, vol. 2, 369–72; MBRT, vol. 6, 1005–06.
56 YJSL, vol. 34, 649.
57 CSRSB, 21–22.
58 CSRSB, 26–32.
59 YJSL, vol. 34, 671; Tongmun hwiko (Collections of Chosŏn's diplomatic materials), vol. 2, 1488.
60 TZOSL, vol. 2, 432–33; YJSL, vol. 34, 673.
61 See J. K. Fairbank and S. Y. Têng, “On the Ch'ing Tributary System,” 141.
62 On the conception of “mutually constitutive,” see Alexander Wendt, “Anarchy Is What States Make of It.”
63 YJSL, vol. 34, 684.
64 Tongmun hwiko, vol. 2, 1533.
65 See Yi Kyŏng-chik, Pusin ilgi (Diary of journey to Shenyang), 445.
66 TZOSL, vol. 2, 451–54.
67 TZOSL, vol. 2, 459; CSRSB, 36–41.
68 YJSL, vol. 34, 695–96.
69 YJSL, vol. 34. 709; TZOSL, vol. 2, 510–11.
70 Tongmun hwiko, vol. 2, 1700–02, 1747–48.
71 Qing shizu shilu (Veritable records of Emperor Shunzhi of the Qing), vol. 3, 35; Tongmun hwiko, vol. 2, 1485, 1497–98, 1510–11.
72 See Ming Qing shiliao (Historical documents on the Ming dynasty and the Qing dynasty), series 3, vol.1, 45.
73 For the meanings of the term “outer fan” in different contexts during the Qing, see Zhang Shuangzhi, Qingdai chaojin zhidu yanjiu (A study of the pilgrimage system of the Qing dynasty), 238–61.
74 Pamela Kyle Crossley, “Manzhou Yuanliu Kao and the Formalization of the Manchu Heritage.”
75 Ho Pingti, “The Significance of the Ch'ing Period in Chinese History.”
76 Evelyn S. Rawski, “Reenvisioning the Qing.”