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Original Research Papers

The Biopsychosocial Model in Health Research: Its Strengths and Limitations for Critical Realists

Pages 164-180 | Published online: 30 Apr 2015
 

Abstract

The biopsychosocial (BPS) model has been of considerable utility to those researching health and illness. This has been particularly the case for critical realists and those with a systemic orientation to their work. Whilst the strengths of the model are conceded in this article, its limitations are also examined. These relate to its ontological sophistication being compromised by its proneness to epistemological naivety. It is a model to explain the emergence of disease and disability, not a reflexive theory applicable to the whole field of health research. This tension is linked to the emergence of a re-orientation of medical knowledge away from bio-medical reductionism. From the outset the model was not about a general critique, or a grand theory, of health and illness. Instead it was a useful intervention, on the part of medical practitioners, like George Engel and Adolf Meyer, to create a reformed medical model on behalf of their profession. Case studies of the problematics of diagnosis and medicalization are offered to illuminate the limitations of the BPS model for health researchers.

Notes

 1 Elder-Vass Citation2012.

 2 Scambler and Scambler Citation2010; Higgs et al. Citation2004; Williams Citation1999; Kelly and Field Citation1996; Benton Citation1991.

 4 Wolman Citation1981.

 5 Axelrod and Cohen Citation2000; Walby Citation2007.

 6 E.g. Petticrew Citation2011.

 8 E.g. Schwartz 1982.

 9 Bhaskar and Danermark Citation2006.

10 Brown and Fee Citation2006.

11 Illich Citation1976.

12 Weiss 1997; von Bertalanffy Citation1969.

13 Mingers Citation2011; Pilgrim Citation2015.

14 Bateson Citation1980; Wilden Citation1972; Offe Citation1993.

15 Ashton and Seymour Citation1988; Dahlgren and Whitehead Citation1992.

16 Engel Citation1977.

17 Meyer Citation1952.

18 Engel Citation1977.

19 Pilgrim Citation2007.

20 Healy Citation1997.

21 Sedgwick Citation1982.

22 Parsons Citation1951.

23 Goffman Citation1961.

24 Libow Citation1995.

25 Seligman Citation1975, 4.

26 Scott and Dickey Citation2003, 92.

27 Ioannidis Citation2008; Moncrieff and Kirsch 2005.

28 Kramer Citation1993; Breggin and Breggin Citation1994.

29 Herzberg Citation2009.

30 Whitaker Citation2005; Greenberg et al. Citation2003; Lakoff Citation2005; Wittchen et al. Citation2010.

31 Layard et al. Citation2006, 3.

32 Garcia-Toro and Auirre Citation2007.

33 Read Citation2005; cf. Guze 1989.

34 Fromm Citation1955; Wakefield Citation2011; Ahmed Citation2010.

35 Pilgrim Citation2015.

36 Moynihan et al. Citation2013.

37 Smith Citation2002.

38 Clarke et al. Citation2003; Zola Citation1972; Conrad Citation2007.

39 Angell Citation2004; Moynihan and Cassels Citation2005.

40 Bhaskar and Danermark Citation2006.

41 E.g. Ghaemi Citation2009.

Additional information

Notes on contributors

David Pilgrim

David Pilgrim is Professor of Health and Social Policy at the University of Liverpool. His career has been divided between working as a clinical psychologist in the British NHS and researching and writing about mental health policy and the history of psychiatry and clinical psychology.

Correspondence to: David Pilgrim, School of Law and Social Justice, Eleanor Rathbone Building, Liverpool L69 7ZA. Email: [email protected]

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