Religious influences in the rise of modern science: A review and criticism, particularly of the ‘protestant-puritan ethic’ theory

References

• H. F. Kearney displays something of the variety of present-day interpretations of the nature of the rise of science in Origins of the Scientific Revolution London 1964
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• Wallis , John . 1673 . Phil. Trans. , 8 : 6146 – 6150 . letter to Henry Oldenburg, reproduced by the latter in The relevant part of the letter reads: ‘… circiter menses Junii, Juliique, Anni 1657, atque rem jam tum apud nostros notissimam fuisse; utpote inter eos (Geometras aliosque), qui (Societatis Regiae appellationem nondem adepti) tum solebant in Greshamensi Collegio (post habitas ibidem praelectiones Mathematicas) statisdiebus convenire, publicatam et cum plausu acceptam …’.
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• Detailed information on the early membership of the Society is available in de Beer E.S. The Earliest Fellows of the Royal Society Notes and Records of the Royal Society 1950 7 172 172 compare also the list of the Fellows of 1667 presented by Sprat, op. cit., p. 431; the Chronological Register of Fellows of the Royal Society, 1663–1700, Appendix V, Record of the Royal Society, London, 1940 edition; H. G. Lyons, ‘The Composition of the Fellowship and the Council of the Society’, Notes and Records of the Royal Society, 1939, 2, 108; R. P. Stearns, ‘Colonial Fellows of the Royal Society of London, 1661–1788’, ibid., 1951, 8, 178; R. P. Stearns, ‘Fellows of the Royal Society in North Africa and the Levant, 1662–1800’, ibid., 1954, 11, 75; and ‘Average Number of Ordinary Fellows and of Foreign Members for Each 5-Year Period 1663–1935’, Appendix VII, Record of the Royal Society, 4th edn., London, 1940.
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• Young , R.F. 1940–41 . The Visit of Comenius to London in 1641–1642 and its Bearing on the Origins of the Royal Society . Notes and Records of the Royal Society , 3 : 159 – 159 . this was itself stimulated by the paper by D. Stimson, ‘Comenius and the Invisible College’, Isis, 1935, 23, 373. Further information on Comenius and the English pansophists is available in the introductory essays of M. W. Keatinge, The Great Didactic of John Amos Comenius, London, 2nd edn., 1910, and in G. H. Turnbull, Hartlib, Dury and Comenius—Gleanings from Hartlib's Papers, London and Liverpool, 1947.
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• Previously, Stimson had also described Hartlib, together with Haak, and Henry Oldenburg, first secretary of the Royal Society, as ‘intelligencers’ rather than scientific creators or initiators: Stimson D. Haak, Hartlib and Oldenburg: Intelligencers Isis 1939 31 309 309
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• Similar evidence is also available in a letter from Haak to John Winthrop, Governor of Connecticut, dated 29 October 1667 from Westminster, advising the latter that Haak was sending a copy of Sprat's History; he speaks of the ‘generous and noble undertakings’ of the Royal Society, and refers to ‘these noble grounds for Mankinds improoving the Treasures God hath communicated to them so abundantly throughout all the world, and that we may ye more enjoy and prayse his goodnesse, serving Him & one another with all chearfullnesse & industry, and ever thereby more and more reconciling ye estrangednesse of ye mindes of mankinde amongst themselves, that they may be willing to listen to more and more & still better Truths & Union’; reproduced in President's Description of Correspondence of Several of the Founders of the Royal Society in England with Governor John Winthrop of Connecticut between 1661 and 1672 Proc. Massachusetts Hist. Soc. 1878 206 206
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• Mason , S.F. 1953 . ‘The Scientific Revolution and the Protestant Reformation’: Pt. 1, ‘Calvin and Servetus in Relation to the New Astronomy and the Theory of the Circulation of the Blood’ . Ann. Sci. , 9 : 64 – 64 . Pt. 2, ‘Lutheranism in Relation to Iatrochemistry and the German Nature Philosophy’, Ann. Sci., 1953, 9, 154; (b) the argument is clarified in his book, Main Currents of Scientific Thought, London, 1956, chap. 16. Reformation theology, regarded as monolithically Calvinist, is likewise conceived to be the prime mover in the development of modern science by E. L. Hebden Taylor, ‘The Reformation and the Development of Modern Science’, The Churchman, 1968, 82, 87.
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• In introducing this concept, Merton was consciously extending the earlier thesis that a Protestant ‘ethos’ had stimulated the growth of capitalism: see Weber M. The Protestant Ethic and the Rise of Capitalism New York 1930 tr. T. Parsons and the extensive literature that has grown up around that theory, especially R. W. Green, Protestantism and Capitalism—The Weber Thesis and its Critics, Boston. 1959.
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• Kocher . 1953 . Science and Religion in Elizabethan England 10 – 10 . San Marino, Calif. in support of his argument, Kocher quoted Calvin's eulogy of ‘the writings of the olde men’ and his ‘great admiration of their witte’ in ‘Phisicke’ and ‘the Mathematicall sciences’, and of ‘that marvellous light of trueth that shineth in them’ (Institutes, 1587 edn., tr. Th. Norton, fol. 81 r and v). However, this may be regarded as Calvin's narrowing down to the knowledge of nature of an early Christian argument for the existence of truth, including that in moral and religious fields, beyond the bounds of Judaeo-Christianity (see, e.g. Justin Martyr, 1 Apol. 46; 2 Apol. 13). The problem had come to the fore again in Calvin's time with the discovery of new lands and gave rise to the many contemporary arguments for and against the ‘invisible church’: see, e.g., H. F. Woodhouse, The Doctrine of the Church in Anglican Theology, 1547–1603, S.P.C.K., London, 1954.
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• Stuart , Mary . 1932 . Francis Bacon 6 – 6 . London Even Bacon himself becomes not merely ‘one of Calvin's successors’ but the epitome of ‘Calvinist thinkers’, according to E. L. Hebden Taylor, The Churchman, 1968, 82, 87.
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• Calvin , John . 1554 . In primum Moses librum, qui Genesis vocatur, Commentarius Geneva English transln., A Commentarie of John Calvine upon the first booke of Moses, called Genesis, London, 1578; on Gen. 1. 16: Calvin's supposed anti-Copernican attitude, which for nearly a century had been attributed to him, has been shown recently to be without foundation, see E. Rosen, ‘Calvin's Attitude Toward Copernicus’, J. Hist. Ideas, 1960, 21, 431; cf. also the acceptance of Copernicanism among other Puritans, D. Fleming, The Judgment upon Copernicus in Puritan New England, pp. 160–175 of L'Aventure de l'Esprit, vol. ii, Mélanges A. Koyré, Paris, 1964; and for Calvin's high estimate of the revelatory value of nature in general and astronomy in particular, T. H. L. Parker, The Doctrine of the Knowledge of God; A Study in the Theology of John Calvin, Edinburgh and London, 1952, chapter 1.
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• De Lyra . Glossa ordinaria . Biblia Latina cum glossa , i 23 – 23 . ‘Moses was speaking to an uneducated people, who could not take in spiritual ideas, but only gross and bodily ones: and on that account he made no mention of the creation of angels’ (quoted in J. H. Lupton, A Life of Dean Colet, 1887, p. 248).
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• 1688 . Golden Remains of the Ever-Memorable Mr. John Hales, of Eaton-Colledge, Third Impression, With Additions … [including] Letters and Expresses Concerning the Synod of Dort London (first impression, 1657). The centrality of the question concerning grace may be seen in the letter on p. 580 from George Carleton, Lord Bishop of Llandaff, head of the English delegation to the Synod, to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 18 February 1618. Hales's comment on bidding Calvin ‘goodnight’ appears in the letter of Anthony Farindon to the Editor of the Golden Remains, dated 17 September 1657, and printed as a preface to it. The influence of Hales and the anti-Calvinist attitude of the Latitudinarians during the Puritan era is discussed by M. Nicolson, ‘Christ's College and the Latitude-Men’, Modern Philology, 1929, 27, 35.
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• Primary evidence for earlier differences is available in Hooker Richard Of the Laws of Ecclesiastical Policy 1595 and 1597 The continuing antagonism of the Puritan faction to the Book of Common Prayer, at least in certain points, during the century to 1662 is discussed at length in F. E. Brightman and K. D. Mackenzie, The History of the Book of Common Prayer Down to 1662, pp. 130–197 in ed. W. K. Lowther Clarke, Liturgy and Worship, S.P.C.K., London, 1932, and in greater detail in E. Daniel, The Prayer-Book, its History, Language and Contents, 26th edn., Redhill, Surrey, 1948; F. Procter and W. H. Frere, A New History of the Book of Common Prayer, 3rd impression, 1908; C. Neil and J. M. Willoughby, The Tutorial Prayer Book, 3rd impression, London, 1959. General discussions of the relations between the Puritan and non-Puritan factions over the same period are available in: J. F. N. New, Anglican and Puritan—The Basis of Opposition, 1558–1640; I. Calder, Activities of the Puritan Faction in the Church of England, 1625–1633, 1957; H. O. Wakeman, The Church and the Puritans, 1570–1660, 1911; D. Neal, History of the Puritans from 1517 to 1688 (new edn., ed. J. Toulmin), 5 vols., 1793–97; C. Hill, Society and Puritanism in Pre-Revolutionary England, New York, 1964; J. B. Marsden, The History of the Early Puritans from the Reformation to the Opening of the Civil War in 1642, London, 1850; and G. H. Curteis, Dissent in its Relation to the Church of England, London, 1872 (frequently reprinted).
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• See, e.g., the edition of St Ignatius of Loyola, The Spiritual Exercises, tr. from the Spanish by Longridge W.H. London 1919 and Constitutiones Societatis Jesu, Apud Curiam Praepositi Generalis, ed. W. H. Longridge, Rome 1943. F. X. Lawlor (‘The Doctrine of Grace in the Spir itual Exercises’, Theological Studies, 1942, 3, 513) counted some 135 uses of the formula, and another 150 locutions such as ‘ad majus servitium Dei’ and ‘ad majus Dei obsequium’ in the Spiritual Exercises; and a photograph of a statue of Ignatius erected in 1741 which strikingly illustrates the centrality of the formula in the writings of Ignatius appears in the entry Jesuits in the New Catholic Encyclopaedia, New York, 1967.
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• The earlier percentages for scientific works as a proportion of the total English literature which may be derived from Klotz's table Klotz E.L. A Subject Analysis of English Imprints for Every Tenth Year from 1480 to 1640 Huntington Library Quarterly 1937–38 1 417 417 are of no small interest: 1490, 20%; 1500, 4%; 1510, 3%; 1520, 4%; 1530, 11%; 1540, 14%; 1550, 6%; 1560, 11%; 1570, 4%; 1580, 9%; 1590, 10%. Apart from the 1490 figure, which cannot be considered significant because of the small total of only ten imprints, these figures suggest a fluctuating ratio but no significant increase in the proportion of English literature devoted to science over the whole period 1500–1640.
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• Sprat . 1667 . History of the Royal Society 348 – 369 . London see also M. E. Prior, ‘Bacon's Man of Science’, J. Hist. Ideas, 1954, 15, 348.
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• Sprat . 1667 . History of the Royal Society 347 – 347 . London cf. also p. 26; Sprat's total argument on this point occupies pp. 348–369.
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• Sprat . 1667 . History of the Royal Society 351 – 351 . London
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• The circumstances under which Sprat wrote the History are outlined in the Introduction by J. I. Cope to the edition of 1959 Sprat Thomas History of the Royal Society London 1667 the guidance and concurrence of the Society throughout the writing and publication of the History are fully attested by Purver, op. cit. [foot-note 22].
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• Sprat . 1667 . History of the Royal Society 22 – 22 . London the general nature of this observation on the restoration of learning is akin to Bacon's comment that at the time of the reformation, ‘a renovation and new spring of all other knowledges’ took place (Works, vol. iii, p. 300); both Bacon and Sprat distinguish between that sixteenth-century restoration of learning common to Europe and the ‘great instauration’ of philosophy which one planned and the other found incorporated in the activities of the Royal Society.
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