- 1832 . “ British Association for the Advancement of Science ” . In First Report, 1831 13 – 14 . York This series is cited hereafter as ‘BA Report’ and date. On the circumstances which led to the foundation of the Association see A. D. Orange, ‘The origins of the British Association for the Advancement of Science’, British journal for the history of science, 6 (1972), 152–176. The only general history is O. J. R. Howarth, The British Association for the Advancement of Science: a retrospect (1922, 2nd ed. 1931, London).
- 1831 . BA Report , : 22 – 23 .
- 1831 . BA Report , : 23 – 24 .
- The sixteen volumes of Basil Montagu's Works of Bacon were published in London between 1825 and 1836, and prompted T. B. Macaulay's famous essay Lord Bacon Edinburgh review 1837 65 1 104 Previously William Hazlitt had given considerable attention to Bacon in Dramatic literature of the Age of Elizabeth (1820, London). Bacon's philosophical writings had been dissected in Henry Southern's Retrospective review in 1821, and the Novum organum formed the subject of two tracts of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. John Playfair had written appreciatively of Bacon's influence on the progress of experimental science (Works, vol. 2 (1822, Edinburgh), 55–134).
- See, for example Woodward H.B. History of the Geological Society of London London 1907 13 13 44 on the choice of the Society's motto from Novum organum.
- Bacon , Francis . 1605 . The advancement of learning London translated into Latin with many additions, as De augmentis scientiarum (1623, London); Novum organum (1620, London); New Atlantis (publ. with Sylva Sylvarum, 1627, London).
- Novum organum book, 1, aphorism 44; the Wood-Dewey edition has been used.
- Novum organum aphorisms 44 and 65.
- Merz , J.T. 1896 . History of European thought in the nineteenth century Vol. 1 , 89 – 90n . Edinburgh suggests that in Britain the word ‘science’ acquired its ‘modern’ usage at about the time of the foundation of the British Association
- Orange , A.D. 1971 . The British Association for the Advancement of Science: the provincial background . Science studies , 1 : 315 – 329 .
- 1832 . The Times , June 28
- Nolan , F. 1833 . The analogy of revelation and science vii – viii . Oxford The Bampton lectures, instituted in 1780 as expositions of the Christian faith, were (and are) delivered annually in St. Mary's, Oxford.
- Cockburn , W. 1838 . A remonstrance, addressed to his grace the Duke of Northumberland, upon the dangers of Peripatetic philosophy London
- Bowden , J.W. 1839 . The British Association for the Advancement of Science . British critic , 25 : 1 – 48 .
- 1835 . John Bull , : 284 – 284 . Further innuendo was directed at the Association and at William Buckland's geological discourse from its platform, during and after the meeting at Bristol, in August and September 1836 (ibid., (1836), 277, 293, 302, 313).
- Dickens , C. 1931 . “ The Mudfog and other sketches ” . In Sketches by Boz , Dent edition London The first report of ‘the Mudfog Association for the Advancement of Everything’ appeared in Bentley's miscellany in 1837, and the second in 1838. But Dickens's friend and illustrator, George Cruikshank, had perceived the humorous possibilities of the British Association some time before this; the Mudfog papers follow very closely the pattern set by Cruikshank in the Comic almanack of 1835. Meanwhile, the first number of the Pickwick papers, a pamphlet of twenty-six pages, was published in March 1836. The deliberations of the Pickwick Club, not least upon the theory of tittle-bats, have from the beginning been seen by some readers as a parody of the activities of the British Association (P. Fitzgerald, The history of Pickwick (1891, London), 116; and W. Dexter and J. W. T. Ley, The origin of Pickwick (1936, London), 67–68). But Dickens's original plan was certainly to portray a sporting club rather than to mock the Association. The earnestness and self-importance of the members of the Pickwick Club were, of course, common enough features of middle-class aspiration, as readers of T. L. Peacock had already appreciated.
- 1835 . John Bull , : 284 – 284 .
- 1832 . The Times , June 28
- Cockburn . 1838 . A remonstrance, addressed to his grace the Duke of Northumberland, upon the dangers of Peripatetic philosophy Vol. 1 , 24 – 26 . London
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 14 – 16 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 20 – 22 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 27 – 27 .
- 1839 . The Times , March 29
- Dickens . 1931 . “ The Mudfog and other sketches ” . In Sketches by Boz , Dent edition 573 – 573 . London
- Dickens . 1931 . “ The Mudfog and other sketches ” . In Sketches by Boz , Dent edition 575 – 576 . London 589–590
- Dickens . 1931 . “ The Mudfog and other sketches ” . In Sketches by Boz , Dent edition 597 – 597 . London
- Dickens to J. Forster, n.d., in The letters of Charles Dickens House M. Storey G. Oxford 1965 1 426 427 The phrase is a parody of part of the last stanza of Cowper's ‘John Gilpin’.
- Johnston , J.F.W. 1831–32 . First meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science . Edinburgh journal of science , 6 : 7 – 7 . n.s.
- 1833 . BA Report xxix – xxx . London
- 1834 . Literary gazette , : 622 – 622 .
- 1835 . Athenaeum , : 622 – 622 .
- Brewster to William Vernon Harcourt, 28 April 1832, in Harcourt papers Harcourt E.W. Oxford 1880–1905 13 291 295 14 vols. Fifty copies of this work were printed for private circulation. Brewster makes the common mistake of confusing the name of Mary Shelley's monster with that of his fictional creator.
- Brewster , D. 1834–35 . The British Association . Edinburgh review , 60 : 363 – 394 .
- Brewster , D. 1834–35 . The British Association . Edinburgh review , 60 : 388 – 389 .
- Brewster , D. 1834–35 . The British Association . Edinburgh review , 60 : 375 – 375 .
- Brewster , D. 1834–35 . The British Association . Edinburgh review , 60 : 389 – 389 .
- Oxford journal June 1832 30 Babbage urged that the place of the annual meeting should be chosen ‘with the object of bringing theoretical science in contact with that practical knowledge on which the wealth of the country depends’. His view was taken up by the Athenaeum, which recommended ‘Liverpool, Birmingham, Manchester, perhaps most particularly the latter’ (Athenaeum (1833), 290).
- 1834 . Literary Gazette , : 622 – 623 .
- Herschel to his wife, 7 August 1838, in Life and letters of Adam Sedgwick Clark J.W. Hughes T. Cambridge 1890 1 515 515
- 1835 . Athenaeum , : 622 – 622 .
- 1838 . Athenaeum , : 637 – 637 .
- Phillips to William Vernon Harcourt, 17 September 1838, in Harcourt papers Oxford 1880–1905 14 51 57 Interestingly, Harriet Martineau found the Newcastle meeting ‘a mixture of wisdom and vanity’ and judged that ‘on the whole, the humbugs and small men carried all before them’ (Harriet Martineau, Autobiography (3rd ed. 3 vols. 1877, London), vol. 2, 137–138).
- Cockburn , W. 1838 . Letter to Professor Buckland concerning the origin of the world London
- 1838 . Remonstrance 8 – 8 . London
- Gillispie , C.C. 1951 . Genesis and geology Cambridge, Mass.
- Venn J.A. Alumni cantabrigienses Cambridge1944 2 81 81 pt. II The Yorkshire gazette, 8 May 1858.
- Lyell , K.M. 1881 . Life, letters, and journals of Sir Charles Lyell Vol. 2 , 51 – 51 . London
- The Remonstrance makes it clear that Cockburn had read or consulted Buckland's Bridgewater Treatise Geology and mineralogy considered with reference to natural theology London 1836 and Mary Somerville's On the connexion of the physical sciences (1834, London).
- White , A.D. 1896 . A history of the warfare of science with theology Vol. 1 , 224 – 224 . London
- Cockburn , W. 1844 . The Bible defended against the British Association London
- 1838 . Remonstrance 11 – 11 . London
- 1838 . Remonstrance 10 – 10 . London
- 1838 . Remonstrance 20 – 20 . London
- 1838 . Remonstrance 20 – 21 . London
- Newman hoped to have the article in the British critic in July 1838, that is, just before the Association assembled at Newcastle, and drew Bowden's attention to the ‘choice bits’ about Priestley's theological opinions in the First report. Newman to Bowden 19 March 1838, in Mozley A. Life and correspondence of J. H. Newman London 1891 2 251 252 On J. W. Bowden, an Oxford contemporary of Newman, an enthusiastic Tractarian and, in the late 1830s a commissioner for stamps, see the Dictionary of national biography. Newman's own attitude to science in the critical period before his entry into the Roman Catholic Church in 1845 has been little studied, although for some general comments on the Tractarians and science see W. F. Cannon, ‘The normative role of science in early Victorian thought’, Journal of the history of ideas, 25 (1964), 487. Newman's Apologia pro vita sua (1864, London) provides some illuminating evidence, but of particular interest in relation to the present paper are two Epiphany sermons, ‘Faith and reason contrasted as habits of mind’ and ‘The nature of faith in relation to reason’, which Newman preached at Oxford in the same month, January 1839, as Bowden's article appeared in the British critic. In the course of the first of these (Fifteen sermons preached before the University of Oxford 1826–1843 (3rd ed. 1872, London), 176–201), Newman considered the fact, as he took it to be, ‘that those philosophers, ancient and modern, who have been eminent in physical science, have not infrequently shown a tendency to infidelity’ (p. 194). Newman's understanding of the danger was not concealed: ‘The system of physical causes is so much more tangible and satisfying than that of final, that unless there be a pre-existent and independent interest in the inquirer's mind, leading him to to dwell on the phenomena which betoken an Intelligent Creator, he will certainly follow out those which terminate in the hypothesis of a settled order of nature and self-sustained laws. It is indeed a great question whether Atheism is not as philosophically consistent with the phenomena of the physical world, taken by themselves, as the doctrine of a creative and governing Power’ (p. 194). For Newman the point was that although reason might justify faith, it was never the source of it. Popular opinion had it that ‘while Reason requires rigid proofs, Faith is satisfied with vague or defective ones’ (p. 190). The truth was that faith which rested on physical evidence was ‘dead faith’; authentic Christian belief was not of this stuff, but lived in and proceeded from a commitment to those things which it accepted and confessed (p. 193).
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 12 – 13 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 11 – 11 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 33 – 33 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 48n – 48n .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 18 – 18 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 48 – 48 . Joseph Priestley's recollection of the Lunar Society of Birmingham provides an interesting illustration from the previous century: ‘We had nothing to do with the religious or political principles of each other, we were united by a common love of Science’: H. C. Bolton, Scientific correspondence of Priestley (1892, New York (privately printed); repr. 1969, New York), 195.
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 36 – 37 .
- The reaction of one of the ‘Tractarians’ (in 1832 the leaders of the movement had not yet come together) is well known. John Keble complained of the way in which the University had entertained ‘the hodge-podge of Philosophers’ Liddon H.P. Life of E. B. Pussy London 1894 1 219 219 The Provost of King's College Cambridge perhaps shared a similar attitude when, at Cambridge in 1833, he withstood the combined strength of the Association, headed by Sedgwick, as they sought to pass through the College gardens en route for a firework display (Literary gazette (1833), 436).
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 38 – 42 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 42 – 42 .
- 1839 . British critic , 25 : 42 – 42 .
- Whewell wrote in opposition to one issue raised by Thirlwall's Letter to the Rev. Thomas Turton, D.D. Cambridge 1834 namely the case against compulsory undergraduate attendance at college chapel.
- Nolan . 1833 . The analogy of revelation and science vii – viii . Oxford
- A prelude to Cockburn's attack was the reading by the Rev. George Young of Whitby of a paper entitled ‘On the antiquity of organic remains’ before the Geological Section at Newcastle Athenaeum 1838 638 638 Young, who published a Scriptural geology (2 pts., 1838–40, London) was quickly demolished by Sedgwick. The Newcastle meeting was also marked by the appearance of a bizarre pamphlet entitled ‘The defeat of the eighth scientific meeting of the British Association of Asses, which we may properly call the rich folks’ hopping or the false philosophers in an uproar’. The author was a neo-Blakeian eccentric, William Martin, the elder brother of John Martin the painter of apocalyptic scenes, and of Jonathan Martin who had set fire to York Minster in 1829. William Martin usually styled himself ‘Philosophical conquerer of all nations’, ‘anti-Newtonian’, or, more soberly, ‘the Christian philosopher’.
- For example, by Whewell Sedgwick BA Report 1833 xx xxvi and xxvii–xxxii resp
- Sedgwick , A. 1833 . A discourse on the studies of the University 107 – 107 . Cambridge
- 1834 . Athenaeum , : 676 – 676 .
- 1835 . Literary gazette , : 515 – 515 .
- 1838 . Athenaeum , : 605 – 605 .
- ‘… the articles in the Times and British critic, and the general tendency of the bigoted party of clericals against all Science, and geologists in particular, render it imperiously incumbent on you to speak out’: Murchison to Vernon Harcourt, 21 May 1839, in Harcourt papers Oxford 1880–1905 14 91 92 14 vols. William Vernon Harcourt, Canon Residentiary of York Minster, and to a lesser extent John Phillips, Keeper of the Yorkshire Museum, found themselves in an uncomfortable situation in the late 1830s. In addition to the fulminations against science from the Dean of York, Vernon Harcourt's brother the Rev. Leveson Vernon Harcourt, Chancellor of the York diocese, attacked Buckland and Sedgwick in a work entitled The doctrine of the Deluge (1838, London).
- Lyell . 1881 . Life, letters, and journals of Sir Charles Lyell Vol. 2 , 51 – 51 . London
- Smith , J. Pye . 1852 . Geology and scripture , 5th ed. 259n – 259n . London
- Preface to Harcourt W. Vernon Sermons London and New York 1873
- 1837 . Athenaeum , : 706 – 706 .
- Babbage , Charles . 1839 . Letter to the members of the British Association for the Promotion [sic] of Science London The course of the affair may also be traced in Babbage's correspondence (British Museum Add. MS 37, 190, f. 9) and in the letters addressed to William Vernon Harcourt from Newcastle by Murchison and others (Harcourt papers (footnote 33), vol. 14, 26–59).
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 651 – 651 . (The reference was to the steam-engine.)
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 653 – 653 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 653 – 653 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 653 – 653 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 653 – 653 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 653 – 653 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 653 – 653 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 654 – 654 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 654 – 654 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 654 – 654 . chapter 38 of the Book of Job is referred to.
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 654 – 654 .
- 1839 . Athenaeum , : 654 – 654 .
- Sydney Smith to Murchison, 1840, in Letters of Sydney Smith Smith N.C. Oxford 1953 2 712 712
- Phillips to William Vernon Harcourt, 17 September 1838, in Harcourt papers Oxford 1880–1905 14 51 57
Annals of Science
Volume 32, 1975 - Issue 3