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Science and the Mechanics' Institutes, 1820–1850: The case of Sheffield

Pages 451-474 | Received 16 Jul 1975, Published online: 23 Aug 2006

  • For such a ‘conventional wisdom’ see Kelly T. A history of adult education in Great Britain Liverpool 1962 112 113 esp. 115; Mabel Tylecote, Mechanics' institutes of Lancashire and Yorkshire before 1851 (1957, Manchester), 18–20, 129; Harold Silver, The concept of popular education (1965, London), 210–226; and James Muir, John Anderson (1950, Glasgow), Passim. For two early pessimistic accounts which dwelt upon the inappropriate nature of the lectures, see J. Hole, Light more light, on the present state of education amongst the working classes of Leeds (1860, Leeds); and R. Elliott, ‘On working men's reading rooms, as established in 1848 at Carlisle’, Transactions of the National Association for the Promotion of Social Science [henceforth ‘T.N.A.P.S.S.’], 23 (1861), 676–679. For a repetition in recent research work see J. Popple, ‘The Yorkshire Union of Mechanics' Institution’ (M.A. thesis, University of Sheffield, 2 vols., 1960); and T. Evans, ‘The mechanics' institutes of South Wales’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of Sheffield, 1965). For further information see footnote 20.
  • Becker , B.H. 1874 . Scientific London 153 – 154 . London D. Chadwick, ‘On working men's colleges’, T.N.A.P.S.S., 21 (1859), 323–326; and Barnett Blake, ‘The mechanics' institutes of Yorkshire’, ibid., 335–340.
  • Royle , Edward . 1971 . ‘Mechanics’ institutes and the working classes, 1840–60 . The historical journal , 14 : 305 – 323 . who shows quite clearly that the class composition of the institutes requires more careful delineation. However, Royle does go on to repeat the conventional wisdom noted; see, for example, p. 309.
  • This is a frequent argument of contemporaries; for example, the evidence of Watts John a former pupil of a mechanics' institute Report from the Select Committee on education, Manchester and Salford, and proceedings, minutes of evidence House of Commons London 1853 68 69 in For its repetition in various forms and contexts, see D. M. Turner, History of science teaching in England (1927, London), 62–66; G. M. Young, Victorian England, portrait of an age (first ed. 1936, second 1969, Oxford), 59–60; J. and B. Hammond, The bleak age (1947, Pelican ed.), 163–164; and C. Gill, History of Birmingham, vol. 1 (1952, Birmingham), 394. Brief outlines of this concensus which touch upon all these points can be found in J. F. C. Harrison, The early Victorians, 1832–50 (1973, Panther ed.), 176–178; and David Wardle, Education and society in nineteenth century Nottingham (1971, Cambridge), 177–182.
  • Bernal , J.D. 1965 . Science in history , Pelican ed. Vol. 2 , 554 – 554 . ‘Those who did not, or could not, resort to “self help” as a way of getting into the middle classes were apt to regard science and technical innovation generally as a means of cutting wages and producing unemployment’. Raymond Williams, The long revolution (1965, Pelican ed.), 164: ‘… the offered isolation of science and technical instruction was largely unacceptable, for it was precisely in the interaction between techniques and their general living that this class was coming to its new consciousness’. See also E. P. Thompson, The making of the English working class (1963, London), 733–746.
  • See Kelly Thomas A history of adult education in Great Britain Liverpool 1962 112 113 esp. 115, and 8 below). For examples of a new stress on science which has not entailed a revision of perspective see M. D. Stephens and G. W. Roderick, ‘Nineteenth century ventures in Liverpool's scientific education’, Annals of science, 28 (1972). 61–85; and ‘Science, the working classes and mechanics' institutes’, ibid., 29 (1972), 349–360. In the latter paper the question of the activities of the institutes is not asked until after those of aims, foundation and membership.
  • These criticisms would be valid for many of the works listed above. It is noteworthy that in the now very well-known Musson A.E. Robinson E. Science and technology in the Industrial Revolution Manchester 1969 there is little mention of the institutes and no instance of continuous analysis of their scientific contribution. This is possibly due to the fact that the bulk of material in the book concerns the period before 1820. Those who do have a wide-ranging and non institutional perspective tend to be those who also downplay the position of science: for instance, see J. F. C. Harrison, Learning and living, 1790–1960 (1961, London), 38–89; and C. M. Turner, ‘Political, religious and occupational support in the early mechanics' institutes’, Vocational aspect of education, 20 (1968), 65–70.
  • Kelly , T. 1952 . The origin of mechanics' institutes . Brit. jnl. educ. studs. , 1 : 1 – 21 . See also the same author's excellent study, George Birkbeck (1957, Liverpool), esp. pp. 16, 58–60, where more emphasis is put upon provincial culture; for example, ‘By this time [1800s] popular lecturing in science had become a profession …’ (p. 16).
  • Kelly . 1962 . A history of adult education in Great Britain 115 – 115 . Liverpool esp. See also his brief Adult education in Liverpool (1960, Liverpool), 9–24.
  • 1810 . Derby mercury , September 13 The generalisations of this paragraph are based on a complete survey of the Mercury from 1732 to 1850, together with a more miscellaneous use of other local papers. For a very brief summary of the significance of the itinerants in this period see my ‘A note on itinerant science lecturers, 1790–1850’, Annals of science, 28 (1972), 235–236. For more detail on both the itinerants and the scientific context of the mechanics’ institute in Derby see my forthcoming ‘The provincial context of Industrial Revolution culture: science and society in Derby, 1730–1830’. Generally there has been very little work done on the itinerants of the nineteenth century, but for the earlier period see the wealth of detail in Musson and Robinson (footnote 7), and the survey of F. W. Gibbs, ‘Itinerant lecturers in natural philosophy’, Ambix, 8 (1960), 111–117. For hints at their importance in the nineteenth century, which do not, however, analyse their impact on the institutes, see Arnold Thackray, ‘Natural knowledge in cultural context: the Manchester model’, The American historical review, 79 (1974), 672–709; and A. D. Orange, ‘The early history of the Yorkshire Philosophical Society: a chapter in the history of provincial science’ (Ph.D. thesis, University of London, 1970), 21–23, 90–97.
  • 1826 . Derby mercury , August 30 et seq.
  • 1828 . Derby mercury , February 30 et seq. Toplis included the following subjects: Motion, atomic and of masses, Power, Inertia, Statical Equilibrium and the balance of forces, Planetary Motion, Gravitation and the Pendulum, Practical Mechanics, ‘not seperable from theoretical’, Inclined Planes, Hydraulic Engines and compound machines. See also Derby mercury, October 1828 and February 1830.
  • 1835 . Derby mercury , March 1 Adcock was variously a toy manufacturer, engineer, lecturer and civil engineer, as well as an author and frequent patentee. Significantly enough, one of his works was co-authored with George Birkbeck.
  • 1825 . Derby mercury , October 26 9, 13 November Douglas Fox was a frequent lecturer to the institute until the early 1840s. The coincidence of his scientific, medical and radical political interests was similar to that of the Sheffielders described in section 6 of this paper.
  • For example, Sheffield, Hull, Edinburgh and Dublin in the 1820s and 1830s. He was a founder of the Hull Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge and a frequent lecturer to scientific societies. For him at Nottingham see Granger J. History of the Nottingham Mechanics' Institute, 1837–87 Nottingham 1887 4 4
  • Granger , J. 1887 . History of the Nottingham Mechanics' Institute, 1837–87 5 – 7 . Nottingham Between 1837 and 1887 over 500 lecture courses were delivered
  • Dyer , L.J. 1935 . Newcastle mechanics' institutes . Adult education , 22 ( 1 ) : 122 – 129 . 22 (2) (1935), 205–211.
  • 1838 . The Athenaeum 409 – 409 . London no. 554 For the lecturers in Sheffield see section 4 of this paper and footnote 49 below. The lectures were commonly held to be but part of a total learning process, for as the Edinburgh review declared on 6 February 1827: ‘The principal use of Lectures is to excite the student, and help him through his book’. Even in cases where the lectures were a relative failure they were yet seen as having this stimulating role. For example, at the Bradford Institute, ‘At one time an attempt was made to give instruction by courses of lectures on scientific studies. Latterly, advanced classes have proved more desirable. But although systematic teaching by means of lectures is no longer attempted, while rendering them popular and attractive, they are carefully made subservient to the purpose of stimulating inquiry and keeping awake a general interest’. J. V. Godwin, ‘The Bradford Mechanics' Institute’, T.N.A.P.S.S., 21 (1859), 340–345 (p. 341).
  • Dyer , L.J. 1936 . The Hitchin Mechanics' Institute . Adult education , 23 ( 1 ) : 113 – 119 . 23 (2) (1936), 212–217.
  • 1834 . Sheffield mercury , September 19 18 October 1838, 4 February 1844. For Murray see section 4 of this paper and footnotes 50 and 51 below, and for Morton footnotes 42 and 43 below.
  • Thomson , C. 1843 . The autobiography of an artizan 336 – 338 . Nottingham The author was later a vice-president of the Institute at Sheffield, living there from 1849 until his death in 1871. The pattern of development was from an Oddfellows Lodge to an Artizans' Library financed through 5/- shares, until the final emergence as an institute.
  • Thomson , C. 1843 . The autobiography of an artizan 340 – 340 . Nottingham S. T. Hall, The forester's offering (1841, Nottingham), 84–86.
  • 1841 . Sheffield iris , 2 February 23 26 March 1846, passim. For Mackintosh see section 5 and footnote 56 below.
  • 1833 . Printed annual reports of the Sheffield Mechanics' Institute , 1 : 5 – 5 . Henceforth ‘Reports’.
  • 1833 . Printed annual reports of the Sheffield Mechanics' Institute Vol. 1 , 5 – 5 . passim. The Report for 1834 does not include figures for class attendances.
  • Minutes Vol. 1 , 150 – 150 . From this point on there are no page number annotations
  • Minutes Vol. 3 , committee meeting of 13 April 1854.
  • For examples of class teaching in science at the Sheffield Institute not instanced in the present paper see my Science instruction for youth in the Industrial Revolution: the informal network in Sheffield The vocational aspect of education 1973 25 91 98
  • 1839 . Sheffield independent , December 14 These men are mentioned in sections 4 and 6 below.
  • Holland , G.C. 1843 . The vital statistics of Sheffield 230 – 236 . Sheffield
  • 1841 . Reports , 8 : 4 – 4 . ‘Ms. Material’, 1985c, handbills 1841. For an example of a successful longer course see my (footnote 31), 94–95.
  • 1834 . Reports , 2 : 7 – 7 . ‘Minutes’, 1, 8 April 1834.
  • 1834 . Mercury , May 3
  • Stainton , J.H. 1924 . The making of Sheffield 240 – 240 . Sheffield Mercury, 5 July 1834, 11 April 1835.
  • 1893 . The century's progress 141 – 141 . York Iris, 29 March 1842. The firm of Chadburn and Co., scientific instrument makers, specialised in models of steam engines and electrical cylinders, and displayed such work at the London Exhibition of 1851 with great success.
  • Austen , John . 1961 . Historical notes on old Sheffield druggists 116 – 116 . Sheffield Directory of Sheffield (henceforth ‘Directory’), 1833 and 1837; Iris, 15 April 1847.
  • 1835 . Independent , April 11 Times, 1 September 1849.
  • 1832 . Iris , May 1 15 February 1844; Mercury, 8 November 1834, 24 November 1838, 8 June 1839
  • 1839 . Mercury , May : 61 – 63 . 25 J. W. Davis, History of the Yorkshire Geological and Polytechnic Society, 1837–87 (1889, Halifax)
  • 1832 . Mercury , September 22 Directory, 1837
  • 1837 . Directory , Reports, 6 (1838), 5
  • 1834 . Mercury , July 4 14 February, 7 November 1835; ‘Ms. minutes of council meetings of Sheffield Literary and Philosophical Society, 1822–72’ (S.L.A.), 11 January 1828, March–April 1835
  • Odom , W. 1926 . Hallamshire worthies 121 – 123 . Sheffield Iris, 10 August 1841, 6 February 1845; Mercury, 9 July 1831, 7 March 1835, 13 May 1837
  • 1968a . Ms. material 1839 – 1840 . letters Reports, for years mentioned; ‘Ms. letters of Paul Rodgers to John Fowler in 3 vols.’ (S.L.A.), M.D. 2223, no. 172, 6 May 1847 (Rodgers was secretary to the Institute); and ‘Minutes’, 13 November 1833, 29 January 1835, 30 November 1836. Such expenses were increased when the natural philosophy class was thrown open to all members without extra charge, a paid teacher being hired at 15/- per session
  • Murray , John . 1815 . The elements of chemical science London
  • Murray was one of the most interesting of the itinerants and secured a successful provincial Apart from the D.N.B. entry too little attention has been given to him, but see Mining journal 1851 17 288 288 336; a variety of articles in Mechanics' magazine, 1831–44, Brewster's Edinburgh journal, 1820s, and Philosophical magazine, 1816–18; and Mercury, 25 January, 31 May 1834.
  • 1847 . Reports , 15 : 7 – 7 . D.N.B.
  • Partington , C. 1825 . Lectures on select subjects in mechanics and hydrostatics, by J. Ferguson, F.R.S., adapted to the present state of science London D.N.B.; Times, 9, 23 February 1850
  • Times , ibid. and et seq.
  • 1836 . Reports , 4 : 5 – 5 . Addams was a highly successful lecturer, touring most of the industrial provincial towns. He was the regular lecturer at the City of London Literary and Scientific Institution, giving courses on gases, heat and light in the 1830s. In 1825, when residing at Hammersmith, he brought out a patent for improved methods of propelling carriages on turnpikes and railroads.
  • 1848 . Times , September 16
  • For further details see my Science instruction for youth in the Industrial Revolution: the informal network in Sheffield The vocational aspect of education 1973 25 91 98 where the science provision of the Mechanics' Library and the Church Institution is indicated.
  • 1833 . Mercury , December 28
  • 1836 . Figaro in Sheffield , December 17 11 March, 13 May 1837. The Figaro was a weekly newspaper priced ld, radical in politics, and directed at the working class. Correspondence was signed ‘Radical’ and ‘Swing’, and the paper was foremost in the foundation of the Sheffield Radical Association. These points indicate the type of audience aimed at. See also footnote 77 below.
  • 1848 . Times , September : 9 – 9 . 16
  • 1839 . Mercury , January 12 Figaro, 13 January 1838; and Times, 3 February, 10 March 1849
  • For details see my Science instruction for youth in the Industrial Revolution: the informal network in Sheffield The vocational aspect of education 1973 25 91 98 The Wesleyan institution was formed in 1841 and hired professional lecturers, such as Charles Popham on astronomy.
  • 1839 . Mercury , July 6 at which time there were 743 members; J. W. Hudson, The history of adult education (1851, London), 158–164, whose figure for circulation is based on the year 1851. In 1845 the report of the committee estimated the average weekly circulation at 600 volumes
  • 1840 . Mercury , January 25 10 June 1847; Holland (footnote 34), 230–231; Plans and rules and catalogue of Church of England Instruction Society (1841, Sheffield); and Iris, 23 November 1841. Of 515 members in 1841, 248 were apprentices and scholars, and at the same time there were 1,550 books in the library, over 200 mineral specimens and an extensive collection of philosophical apparatus
  • 1847 . Iris , September 9 Times, 6 January, 9 June, 8, 18 September 1849. Of 180 class pupils in 1847, 136 were actually engaged in the Sheffield trades. In 1849 numbers had grown to over 550; some examples of occupations are 33 chasers, 36 die-sinkers, 75 draftsmen and modellers, 14 etchers, 25 fender makers and stove fitters, and 34 silversmiths and silverplaters.
  • 1850 . Times , October 12 In that year membership of the college reached 630, with 40 classes receiving weekly attendances of about 150. Although a chemistry class was promised this does not seem to have been fulfilled. Day classes were included. At times a reasonable standard of provision of science was attained, for example, in June 1849 Henry Clifton Sorby, later a well-known and creative scientist, gave the first of a monthly course of lectures on geology.
  • See my The development of a scientific community in Sheffield, 1790–1850: a network of people and interests Trans. Hunter's Archaeol. Soc. 1973 10 99 131 This article documents in detail the growth of science associations in the town, and establishes the emergence of a coherent community of scientific amateurs. Appendix I consists of a list of itinerant lecturers in science from 1790. Many of the more active members of this community, especially in the earlier years, were not of the professional class and did not represent the ideologies of the local social elite.
  • 1812 . Iris , March 10
  • 1811 . Iris , April–November 29 August 1815
  • 1823 . Iris , May 3 18 March 1828
  • 1826 . Independent , December 23
  • 1824 . Iris , January 6 Printed annual reports S.L.P.S. (S.L.A.), 2 (1824), 7
  • December 1829 . Ms. minutes of council meetings of Sheffield Literary and Philosophical Society, 182272-72 , December , S.L.A. . 4
  • See my The development of a scientific community in Sheffield, 1790–1850: a network of people and interests Trans. Hunter's Archaeol. Soc. 1973 10 110 112 Iris, 14 July 1829.
  • 1831 . Mercury , November 5, 26
  • 1832 . Iris , August 7 et seq.; Mercury, October–November 1832. See also Independent, 11 April, 11 July 1829. For other views on the background to the foundation of the Institute see J. Taylor, ‘Nineteenth century experiment’, Adult education, 11 (1938), 151–162; J. Salt, ‘The creation of the Sheffield Mechanics’ Institute: social pressures and educational advance in an industrial town’, The vocational aspect, 18 (1966), 143–150; and his ‘Isaac Ironside, 1808–70; the motivations of a radical educationalist’, Brit. jnl. educ. studs., 19 (1971), 183–201. But see also my (footnote 67), 110–112.
  • There appears to have been a tradition of efforts towards science instruction which was more independent of the scientific community, more directly related to working class efforts. The Wentworth Mechanics' Institute was founded in 1827 and appears to have concentrated on science instruction Iris February 1828 19 Independent, 18 October 1829). Two related associations, the Hive Literary and Philosophical Society and the Sheffield Chemical Society, started operations in 1826 on a purely instructional basis and directed at the working class; for example, ‘The members of the Hive society meet between the hours of six and nine o'clock in the mornings for scientific discussion’ (Independent, 10 November 1827). Lecture courses were later given on electricity and chemistry. Another institution, the Sheffield Mechanies' Literary and Scientific Society, was formed in 1829; lectures were delivered on chemistry and mechanics, one course on gases securing an audience of 150 (Independent, 26 September 1829). Although intended for mechanics and operatives, these institutions were in fact dominated by others, including for instance J. H. Abraham (schoolteacher) and N. Phillips (unitarian minister), both leaders of the scientific community. The other most active members of the above were two table knife manufacturers, a chemist, bookseller and schoolmaster, two of whom were also of the scientific community.
  • Engels , Friedrich . 1962 . The condition of the working classes , Moscow ed. Vol. 1845 , 274 – 275 . This is an argument repeated by the bulk of writers cited in footnotes 1, 4, 6 and 8 above. It has served to ensure its resurgence in a vast number of wider-ranging, introductory texts, such as J. F. Rees, A social and industrial history of England 1815–1918 (1920, London), 97; G. P. Jones and A. G. Pool, A hundred years of economic development in Great Britain 1840–1940 (1948, London), 27; Harold Perkin, The age of the railway (1970, London), 142; and R. Tames, Economy and society in nineteenth century Britain (1972, London), 119.
  • 1834 . Reports , 2 : 5 – 5 . ‘Ms. Minutes of Council’ (footnote 46), 12 September 1853. In 1836 Favell made the point that there were 224 ‘youths’ in the classes and ‘that they came from all the different manufactories in the town’; see C. F. Favell, The value and importance of mechanics' institutes (1836, Sheffield), 6. If we take a selection from the membership of the mechanics' section in 1851, composed of those a ttending classes, then of the total of 393, 69 were cutlers, 34 were in the file trade, 15 were grinders, 11 of each of razor trade, scissors trade and smiths, 12 were joiners, 19 white metal smiths, 15 servants, 10 in silver trades, 10 plumbers and plasterers, 7 printers, 13 brassfounders, and 8 cabinet makers. Among the more ‘middle class’ were 12 clerks, 10 grocers, 6 butchers, 9 steel conversters, and 3 described as merchants who would also be large manufacturers engaged in the Sheffield heavy trades. For reservations about such distinctions see Royle (footnote 3).
  • 1832 . Iris , February 14
  • 1847 . Iris , November 11 2 March 1848; Times, 10 June 1848. See also ‘Minute book of Sheffield Working Men's College, 1856–58’ (S.L.A.)
  • The Operatives Conservative Newsroom was opened in January 1836, with purpose to provide Tory papers and periodicals from London and elsewhere Mercury January 1836 16 the Mechanics' Newsroom was founded in May 1837 at 5/- annual subscription.
  • Formal institutional material is often the source of many methodological uncertainties, not only because of the narrowness of research which can result, but also because the ‘voluntary association’ has, as it were, a sociology and social meaning quite apart from the specific provisions supposedly aimed at by founders, leaders or members. This is particularly true in periods of profound social change when the need to identify and integrate is crucial to the individual. See Babchuk N. Edwards J.N. Voluntary associations and the integration hypothesis Sociological enquiry 1956 12 149 162 and A. M. Rose, ‘Some functions of Voluntary Associations’, in W. A. Glaser and D. L. Sills (eds.), The government of associations (1966, London), 57–69.
  • There is a host of increasingly excellent studies, but see especially Thackray Natural knowledge in cultural context: the Manchester model The American historical review 1974 79 672 709 Peter Mathias (ed.), Science and society, 1600–1900 (1972, Cambridge); A. E. Musson, Science, technology and economic growth (1972, London), 1–68; Morris Berman, ‘The early years of the Royal Institution 1799–1810: a re-evaluation’, Science studies, 2 (1972), 205–240; J. N. Hayes, ‘Science and Brougham's Society’, Annals of science, 20 (1964), 227–241; and D. Layton, ‘Diction and dictionaries in the diffusion of scientific knowledge: an aspect of the history of the popularisation of science in Great Britain’, Brit. jnl. hist. sci., 2 (1964–65), 221–234.

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