- Doran , B.G. 1975 . Origins and consolidation of field theory in nineteenth century Britain: from the mechanical to the electromagnetic view of nature . Historical studies in the physical sciences , 6 : 133 – 260 .
- Doran , B.G. 1975 . Origins and consolidation of field theory in nineteenth century Britain: from the mechanical to the electromagnetic view of nature . Historical studies in the physical sciences , 6 : 179 – 190 .
- Doran , B.G. 1975 . Origins and consolidation of field theory in nineteenth century Britain: from the mechanical to the electromagnetic view of nature . Historical studies in the physical sciences , 6 : 182 – 185 . See also the discussion in footnote 55 below, and footnotes 43 and 45.
- See especially Smith Crosbie A new chart for British natural philosophy: the development of energy physics in the nineteenth century History of science 1978 16 231 279
- Doran , B.G. 1978 . A new chart for British natural philosophy: the development of energy physics in the nineteenth century . History of science , 16 : 234 – 241 .
- See Crosland Maurice Smith Crosbie The transmission of physics from France to Britain: 1800–1840 Historical studies in the physical sciences 1978 9 1 61 esp. pp. 19–24 and 49–55 for a study of the impact of French theories of heat and electricity upon British physical science up to the 1840s. The major work on heat was of course Joseph Fourier's Théorie analytique de la chaleur (1822, Paris), while the most notable French work on electrostatics had been due to S. D. Poisson, a devoted Laplacian. On the Laplacian school, see Robert Fox, ‘The rise and fall of Laplacian physics’, Historical studies in the physical sciences, 4 (1974), 89–136
- Thomson , William . 1863 . On the secular cooling of the earth . Philosophical magazine , 25 ( 4 ) 2. Also published in Thomson's Mathematical and physical papers (6 vols., 1882–1911, Cambridge), vol. 3, 296.
- For example Thomson William On the linear motion of heat Cambridge mathematical journal 1842–1843 3 170 174 206–211; Thomson, Mathematical papers (footnote 8), vol. 1, 10–21.
- For the use of this positive-positivistic distinction, see the unpublished Ph.D dissertation by Wise M.N. The flow analogy to electricity and magnetism: Kelvin and Maxwell Princeton University 1977 22 23 The distinction is particularly important if we regard a ‘positivist’ as one who places full emphasis on the certainty of observation statements and who clearly rejects the possibility of knowledge of unobservable, hypothetical entities. Wise suggests that Fourier did not regard heat flow across a surface as the fundamental reality, as a strict positivist might, but indicated instead that the radiation of heat from molecules inside a solid is an action between contiguous particles (see Joseph Fourier, The analytical theory of heat (trans. A. Freeman: 1878, Cambridge), 460). For Fourier ‘there is no direct action except between material points extremely near’. Faraday had a quite similar model for contiguous action, where a contiguous particle meant the nearest existing particle. See David Gooding, ‘Conceptual and experimental bases of Faraday's denial of electrostatic action at a distance’, Studies in history and philosophy of science, 9 (1978), 117–149, esp. p. 126n. This ‘Faraday-Fourier’ model for contiguous action was apparent in William Thomson, ‘On the mathematical theory of electricity in equilibrium’, Cambridge and Dublin mathematical journal, 1 (1845). 75–95; also published in Thomson's Reprint of papers on electrostatics and magnetism (1872, London), 15–37. References below are to this volume. We shall thus find in Thomson's writings a tension between a positive epistemology, emphasising the certainty of observational laws and concepts, and his search for a microscopic, unified ontology.
- See Smith Crosbie “Mechanical philosophy” and the emergence of physics in Britain: 1800–1850 Annals of science 1976 33 3 29 esp. pp. 3–16 for a study of this Scottish context
- Thomson , William . 1842–1843 . On the uniform motion of heat in homogeneous solid bodies, and its connection with the mathematical theory of electricity . Cambridge mathematical journal , 3 : 71 – 84 . Thomson, Electrostatics (footnote 10), 1–14. For a most lucid and penetrating account of Thomson's paper and its relation to Fourier, see Wise (footnote 10), 35–49. Wise's analysis also contains a critique of the interpretation in J. Z. Buchwald, ‘William Thomson and the mathematization of Faraday's electrostatics’, Historical studies in the physical sciences, 8 (1977), 101–136. Buchwald argues that until 1845 Thomson found it difficult to abandon the electric fluid of the Laplacian school, notably Poisson. A careful reading of Thomson reveals no evidence in these early years for a commitment to such a hypothesis.
- Wise , M.N. 1977 . The flow analogy to electricity and magnetism: Kelvin and Maxwell , 35 – 49 . Princeton University .
- Thomson . 1977 . The flow analogy to electricity and magnetism: Kelvin and Maxwell , 26 – 26 . Princeton University .
- See Wise The flow analogy to electricity and magnetism: Kelvin and Maxwell Princeton University 1977 62 80 for a fuller understanding of the subtleties of Thomson's analogical approach
- Thomson . 1977 . The flow analogy to electricity and magnetism: Kelvin and Maxwell , 29 – 29 . Princeton University .
- Thomson . 1977 . The flow analogy to electricity and magnetism: Kelvin and Maxwell , 37 – 37 . Princeton University .
- Thompson , S.P. 1910 . The Life of William Thomson. Baron Kelvin of Largs Vol. 1 , 299 – 303 . London 2 vols Thompson suggests that there is little evidence that William Thomson and Stokes were well acquainted prior to mid-1845, when Thomson became editor of the Cambridge mathematical journal. Thereafter, their correspondence and collaboration was continuous until Stokes's death in 1903.
- On Stokes's work during this period, see Parkinson E.M. George Gabriel Stokes Dictionary of scientific biography Gillispie C.C. New York 1970–1978 13 15 vols 74–79, esp. p. 75; D. F. Moyer, ‘Continuum mechanics and field theory: Thomson and Maxwell’, Studies in history and philosophy of science, 9 (1978), 35–50, esp. pp. 38–41; Doran (footnote 1), 158–160; and M. B. Hesse, Forces and fields (1961, London), 195. Stokes's major paper was his ‘On the theories of the internal friction of fluids in motion and of the equilibrium and motion of elastic solids’, Transactions of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, 8 (1849), 287–319 (read 14 April, 1845); also published in Stokes's Mathematical and physical papers (5 vols., 1880–1905, Cambridge), vol. 1, 75–129.
- Thomson , William . 1847 . On a mechanical representation of electric, magnetic, and galvanic forces . Cambridge and Dublin mathematical journal , 2 : 61 – 64 . Thomson, Mathematical papers (footnote 8), vol. 1, 76–80. See Thompson (footnote 18), vol. 1. 197–198, for the entries in Thomson's notebook prior to the writing of this paper which treated of ‘the mechanico-cimenatical (!) representation of electric, magnetic, and galvanic forces. Further discussions of the paper are provided in Wise (footnote 10), 83–88; Doran (footnote 1), 171; and Moyer (footnote 19), 41.
- See Knudsen Ole The Faraday effect and physical theory, 1845–1873 Archive for history of exact sciences 1976 15 235 281 esp. pp. 244–247
- Thomson . 1847 . On a mechanical representation of electric, magnetic, and galvanic forces . Cambridge and Dublin mathematical journal , 2 : 61 – 62 . Thomson was referring explicitly to Stokes's 1845 paper (footnote 19).
- Thomson . 1847 . On a mechanical representation of electric, magnetic, and galvanic forces . Cambridge and Dublin mathematical journal , 2 : 61 – 61 .
- Thomson . 1847 . On a mechanical representation of electric, magnetic, and galvanic forces . Cambridge and Dublin mathematical journal , 2 : 64 – 64 .
- William Thomson to J. D. Forbes F167, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library 1846 December 29
- William Thomson to J. D. Forbes F167, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library 1846 December 29
- J. D. Forbes to William Thomson F168, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library 1846 December 31
- See Smith Crosbie William Thomson and the creation of thermodynamics: 1840–1855 Archive for history of exact sciences 1976 16 231 288
- G. G. Stokes to William Thomson (S323, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library) 1847 March 13 See also Doran (footnote 1), 160; and G. G. Stokes, ‘On the constitution of the luminiferous ether, viewed with reference to the phenomenon of the aberration of light’, Philosophical magazine, (3) 29 (1846), 6–10 Mathematical papers (footnote 19), vol. 1, 153–156 for Stokes's comparison of a solid-fluid aether to a glue-water jelly.
- William to James Thomson, 20 June 1847, in Thompson The Life of William Thomson, Baron Kelvin of Largs London 1910 1 204 205 2 vols. See also Doran (footnote 1), 171.
- William Thomson to Michael Faraday, 11 June 1847, in Thompson The Life of William Thomson. Baron Kelvin of Largs 1 203 203
- William to James Thomson, 20 June 1847, in Thompson The Life of William Thomson, Baron Kelvin of Largs London 1910 1 2 vols 203–204. Doran (footnote 1), 171, does not recognise Thomson's intentions with regard to this letter, most notably his emphasis on the limitations of the 1846 paper as ‘merely a sketch of the mathematical analogy’
- G. G. Stokes to William Thomson, 12 and 13 December 1848 (S338–S339, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library); published, with a commentary by Larmor Joseph Proceedings of the Cambridge Philosophical Society 1923–1925 22 76 81 in
- William Thomson to G. G. Stokes K28, Stokes collection, Cambridge University Library 1849 February 4
- Maxwell , James Clerk . 1890 . Scientific papers Edited by: Niven , W.D. Vol. 2 , 322 – 322 . Cambridge 2 vols
- Thomson , William . 1851 . A mathematical theory of magnetism . Transactions of the Royal Society , 5 : 975 – 975 . (read 21 June 1849); Thomson, Electrostatics (footnote 10), 341. The ‘primary object of a mathematical theory’ reflects the remarks by Fourier (footnote 10), 1
- Smith . 1976 . William Thomson and the creation of thermodynamics: 1840–1855 . Archive for history of exact sciences , 16 : 231 – 278 . Smith (footnote 4), 231–241, 254–262.
- Thomson , William . 1853 . On the dynamical theory of heat, with numerical results deduced from Mr. Joule's equivalent of a thermal unit, and M. Regnault's observations on steam . Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh , 20 : 261 – 288 . esp. pp. 261–262 (read 17 March 1851); Thomson, Mathematical papers (footnote 8), vol. 1, 174–189
- Smith . 1978 . A new chart for British natural philosophy: the development of energy physics in the nineteenth century . History of science , 16 : 231 – 241 . 254–262. Compare William Thomson. ‘The kinetic theory of the dissipation of energy’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 8 (1874), 325–334, esp. pp. 325–326; Thomson, Mathematical papers (footnote 8), vol. 5, 11–16, where Thomson distinguishes between abstract, ‘reversible’ dynamics and physical, ‘irreversible’ dynamics. A dynamical theory may be introduced as a hypothesis to explain what takes place when energy transforms from one form into another, as, for example, in the conversion of visible work into heat. It may be claimed, however, that such an explanation is an unnecessary addition to a straightforward mutual conversion process between macroscopic quantities. When, however, visible mechanical effect is irrecoverably lost and becomes unavailable for useful work through conduction and friction, for example, Thomson seemed to feel that a dynamical theory of heat was demanded if an eventual elucidation of this distinctive feature of heat in real, physical systems was to be found. But, of course, a more precise solution to the problem of irreversibility had to await the development of statistical thermodynamics. On this subsequent aspect, see especially M. J. Klein, ‘Maxwell, his demon, and the second law of thermodynamics’, The American scientist, 58 (1970), 84–97
- Brush , S.G. 1970–1971 . The wave theory of heat: a forgotten stage in the transition from the caloric theory to thermodynamics . The British journal for the history of science , 5 : 145 – 167 . esp. pp. 166–167. This paper is also published as ch. 9 of Brush's The kind of motion we call heat (2 vols., 1976, Amsterdam)
- William Smith, notes taken from William Thomson's natural philosophy lectures during the 1849–1850 session at Glasgow College , Glasgow University Library . Ms. Gen. 142
- The question of whether or not the planets were retarded by an aetherial medium was considered by Isaac Newton, John Playfair, William Whewell and G. G. Stokes, among others. For a discussion of Whewell and the importance of Encke's comet, see Smith Crosbie Natural philosophy and thermodynamics: William Thomson and “The dynamical theory of heat The British journal for the history of science 1976 9 293 319 esp. pp. 302–304. For Stokes, see D. B. Wilson, ‘George Gabriel Stokes on stellar aberration and the luminiferous ether’, The British journal for the history of science, 6 (1972), 57–72
- Doran . 1975 . Origins and consolidation of field theory in nineteenth century Britain: from the mechanical to the electromagnetic view of nature . Historical studies in the physical sciences , 6 : 134 – 134 . 158–160, places much emphasis on the claim that British physicists, especially Stokes and Thomson, regarded the aether as ‘ontologically different from matter’. Her central thesis is that ‘by the end of the nineteenth century, the mechanical notions of “atoms in a void” and “forces acting between material particles” had been replaced by the notions of the electromagnetic field as a nonmaterial continuous plenum and material atoms as discrete structural-dynamic products of the plenum’. A major problem with such a thesis is that it does not allow for the subtle variations in meaning attributed to such terms as ‘mechanical’ and ‘material’ by the different thinkers over the years. Thus Thomson's remarks to his class suggest that for him the medium of light was ‘material’, different in degree rather than in kind from ordinary matter. See also footnote 45 below. For a discussion of various meanings of ‘mechanical philosophy’, which Doran ignores, see Smith (footnote 11), 3–4
- William Smith, notes taken from William Thomson's natural philosophy lectures during the 1849–1850 session at Glasgow College Ms. Gen. 142, Glasgow University Library In the lecture, Thomson clarified the significance of this remark. He considered that ‘it may be that light is matter but the particles are very minute’ (my italics), and he claimed that if light acted upon other bodies ‘which we perceive by the sense of touch it may be called matter from the relations which subsist between them’. But, he continued, ‘with respect to light the hypothesis is that it is a state of undulation’. The implication was that he favoured the view which regarded light not as matter but as a state of a certain substance.
- William Thomson to G. G. Stokes, 8 November 1851 (K51, Stokes collection, Cambridge University Library); my italics. Although Thomson can be viewed as part of a Cambridge circle in these years, there is very little direct evidence that he was himself strongly committed at this stage to the reality of an aetherial medium. His remarks in this lecture concerning the absolute necessity of supposing a medium were intended as an expression of a major consequence following on the adoption of the undulatory view of light. In other words, if the wave hypothesis were adopted, a medium must be supposed. Compare Doran (footnote 1), 163–179, where she assumes that the idea of the aether as ‘a unique physical entity different from matter in essence and activity’ was by 1848 ‘already deeply rooted in the Thomson-Stokes Cambridge circle’. Such an assumption permits no assessment of Thomson's actual commitment. See also William Thomson to John Tyndall, 12 March 1955, in Thomson, Electrostatics (footnote 10). 540–543. Without making a commitment to a specific aether substance filling all space, he there wrote of the medium occupying interplanetary space having ‘perfectly decided mechanical qualities’ (observable properties or effects): in particular, ‘that of being able to transmit mechanical energy in enormous quantities’, and that of a magnetic character. The nature of the medium itself was not specified. On the Cambridge mathematicians’ support for the aether, see also Cantor Geoffrey The reception of the wave theory of light in Britain: a case study illustrating the role of methodology in scientific debate Historical studies in the physical sciences 1975 6 109 132
- J. P. Joule to William Thomson (Jlll, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library) 1852 March 26 Faraday had held a vibratory view of electricity, but Joule's last remark suggests that he was unfamiliar with—or had been unconvinced by—Faraday's conclusion that self-induction effects disprove the fluid hypothesis. See especially Gooding (footnote 10), 134–147
- William Thomson to J. P. Joule, 31 March 1852, quoted by Joule Philosophical magazine 1853 5 4 3n 3n
- Thomson , William . 1856 . “ Dynamical illustrations of the magnetic and the helicoidal rotatory effects of transparent bodies or polarized light ” . In Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh Vol. 8 , 150 – 185 . Baltimore lectures (1904, London), 569–583. See also Knudsen (footnote 21), 244–247; and J. Z. Buchwald, ‘Sir William Thomson (Baron Kelvin of Largs)’, Dictionary of scientific biography, vol. 13, 374–388, esp. pp. 383–385.
- Doran . 1975 . Origins and consolidation of field theory in nineteenth century Britain: from the mechanical to the electromagnetic view of nature . Historical studies in the physical sciences , 6 : 185 – 190 . rejects Rankine's conceptual influence. Rankine, however, certainly ‘inspired’ Thomson's quest for specific molecular models
- William Thomson to G. G. Stokes K97, Stokes collection, Cambridge University Library 1857 May 23
- William Thomson to G. G. Stokes K98, Stokes collection, Cambridge University Library 1857 June 17
- William Thomson to G. G. Stokes K101, Stokes collection, Cambridge University Library 1857 December 20
- William Thomson to G. G. Stokes K102, Stokes collection, Cambridge University Library 1857 December 23
- Thomson , William . 1858–1863 . Journal and research notebook , (NB35, Kelvin collection, Cambridge University Library). The speculation has been published by Ole Knudsen. ‘From Lord Kelvin's notebook: ether speculations’, Centaurus, 16 (1972), 41–53, esp. pp. 47–50.
- Thomson , William . 1860 . “ Dynamical relations of magnetism ” . In A cyclopaedia of the physical sciences , 2nd ed. Edited by: Nichol , J.P. 544 – 548 . London and Glasgow in esp. p. 545. In the same year, Thomson delivered to the Royal Institution his lecture on atmospheric electricity in which he observed that just as electric and magnetic fluids could no longer be regarded as physically real, so ‘we may now also contemplate as a thing of the past that belief in atoms and in vacuum, against which Leibnitz so earnestly contended in his memorable correspondence with Dr Samuel Clarke’ (Thomson, Electrostatics (footnote 10), 223–225). Upon this single remark, Doran (footnote 1) constructs her thesis that Thomson was influenced by Leibniz in his rejection of atomism and in his preference for a continuous plenum. Certainly, neither Leibniz nor Thomson argue for the existence of atoms in the void, and both share a preference for continuity. But the divergence between the two thinkers, separated as they are by nearly two centuries of scientific thought, is much greater than their common views. Leibniz used arguments deriving from commitments to metaphysical principles—such as that of sufficient reason—to combat Newton's atomism (see Gerd Buchdahl, Metaphysics and the philosophy of science (1969, Oxford), 388–469). As we have seen, Thomson's commitments were quite different, involving as they did a very cautious approach to all hypothetical entities. In his quest for physical theories between 1851 and 1867 he eliminated certain possibilities. In the 1860 lecture he rejected Boscovichean views as ‘a barren tree’, and gave Faraday much of the credit for its removal. Thomson discounted Lucretian atomism and void space again in 1867 on the grounds that ‘Lucretius’ atom does not explain any of the properties of matter without attributing them to the atom itself’ (William Thomson, ‘On vortex atoms’, Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, 6 (1869), 94–105 (read 18 February, 1867); Mathematical papers (footnote 8), vol. 4, 1–12). Continuum models of hydrodynamics seemed to avoid such ad hoc approaches by offering the best prospect of that dynamical unity for heat, light, electricity, and magnetism—a unity which had become both a major ‘coherence’ criterion for a ‘satisfactory physical theory’ and a key aim of natural philosophy. In the same lecture of 1860 he significantly emphasised that the question of the ultimate nature of matter was one for metaphysics and not for natural philosophy. It is also a feature of this 1860 lecture that Thomson's concept of matter is not explicit enough to enable a fuller comparison to be made with Leibniz's conception
- See Thomson On vortex atoms A cyclopaedia of the physical sciences , 2nd ed. Nichol J.P. London and Glasgow 1860 94 105 Helmholtz's paper was ‘Über Integrale der hydrodynamischen Gleichungen, welche den Wirbelbewegungen entsprechen’, Journal für reine und angewandte Mathenatik, 55 (1858), 25–55. For a further discussion of vortex atoms, see R. H. Silliman, ‘William Thomson: smoke rings and nineteenth-century atomism’, Isis, 54 (1963), 461–474. Silliman points out that in the 1880s Thomson was assailed by doubts about the vortex atom theory (p. 472). It did not explain intertia or gravitation, and in 1887 he concluded that the ring was essentially unstable. By 1898 Thomson had definitely abandoned the theory.
- See Stevenson R.L. Memoir of Fleeming Jenkin Papers literary, scientific, &c. Jenkin Fleeming London 1887 1 xi clxxiv in 2 vols for an account of Jenkin's varied interests and achievements
- Fleeming Jenkin to William Thomson J65, Kelvin papers, Glasgow University Library 1867 May 23
- Fleeming Kenkin, ‘Lucretius and the atomic theory’, in Jenkin Papers literary, scientific, &c. 1 177 214 esp. pp. 198–199
- Fleeming Jenkin to William Thomson J66, Kelvin papers, Glasgow University Library 1867 June 7
- Jenkin Stevenson R.L. Memoir of Fleeming Jenkin Papers literary, scientific, &c. Jenkin Fleeming London 1887 1 199 202 in 2 vols
- See, for example Thomson W. Tait P.G. Treatise on natural philosophy Oxford 1867 187 188
- Jenkin Stevenson R.L. Memoir of Fleeming Jenkin Papers literary, scientific, &c. Jenkin Fleeming London 1887 1 203 204 in 2 vols
- Fleeming Jenkin to William Thomson J68, Kelvin papers, Glasgow University Library 1867 June 20
- Jenkin Stevenson R.L. Memoir of Fleeming Jenkin Papers literary, scientific, &c. Jenkin Fleeming London 1887 1 204 205 in 2 vols
- Fleeming Jenkin to William Thomson, 24 June 1867 (J69, Kelvin papers, Glasgow University Library). Lesage was also discussed in Jenkin Stevenson R.L. Memoir of Fleeming Jenkin Papers literary, scientific, &c. Jenkin Fleeming London 1887 1 209 210 in 2 vols
- Fleeming Jenkin to William Thomson, 26 June 1867 (J70, Kelvin papers, Glasgow University Library). The problem of gravitation and action at a distance gave rise to discussions by both Faraday and Maxwell. See Faraday Michael On the conservation of force Philosophical magazine 1857 13 4 225 239 17 (1859), 166–169; and J. C. Maxwell, ‘A dynamical theory of the electromagnetic field’ (1864), in Papers (footnote 35), 526–597, esp. pp. 570–571. As Hesse (footnote 19), 222–225, suggests, Faraday seemed to be looking for the cause of gravity, while Maxwell was explicitly abandoning attempts to find a model for gravitation similar to that for the electromagnetic field on the grounds that where there was no resultant gravitational force the medium must possess enormous intrinsic energy, a property of the medium which Maxwell confessed he could not understand.
- Jenkin . 1857 . On the conservation of force . Philosophical magazine , 13 ( 4 ) : 225 – 239 .
- Leicester , Compare H.M. , ed. 1970 . Mikhail Vasil' evich Lomonosov on the corpuscular theory 209 – 211 . Harvard Lomonosov considers interacting corpuscles to have rough tooth-like irregularities on their surfaces and in this way he attempts to account for heat and the force of elasticity. The resulting picture has certain affinities with that of Jenkin, but, of course, no ‘influence’ from Lomonosov can be established.
- Jenkin . 1857 . On the conservation of force . Philosophical magazine , 13 ( 4 ) : 225 – 239 .
- Fleeming Jenkin to William Thomson J27. Kelvin collection. Cambridge University Library 1868 February 20
- Jenkin . 1887 . Papers literary, scientific, &c. Vol. 1 , 180 – 180 . London 2 vols
- Jenkin . 1887 . Papers literary, scientific, &c. Vol. 1 , 189 – 189 . London 2 vols
- See Thomson On vortex atoms A cyclopaedia of the physical sciences , 2nd ed. Nichol J.P. London and Glasgow 1860 94 105
- Turner , F.M. 1973 . Lucretius among the Victorians . Victorian studies , 16 : 329 – 348 . esp. pp. 335–336. Turner discusses in historical context the influence and importance of Jenkin's article with respect to the wider cultural (notably religious) milieu
- Jenkin . 887 . Papers literary, scientific, &c. Vol. xi-clxxiv , 196 – 197 . London 2 vols.
- Jenkin . 887 . Papers literary, scientific, &c. Vol. xi-clxxiv , 205 – 206 . London 2 vols.
- 887 . Papers literary, scientific, &c. Vol. xi-clxxiv , 210 – 212 . London 2 vols.
Annals of Science
Volume 37, 1980 - Issue 4
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