References
- Apart from Soppelsa's introduction (pp. 1–3), see also Galluzzi P. Per un archivio della corrispondenza degli scienziati italiani Rivista di Storia della Scienza 1984 1 307 311
- See Soppelsa M.L. “Commerzio di lettere” di Jacopo Riccati (2 gennaio 1687–15 febbraio 1754) Annali dell'Istituto e Museo di Storia della Scienza di Firenze 1983 8 151 158 The importance of Antonio Vallisneri's large collection of letters has been recently indicated by D. Generali, Scienza e letteratura nella cultura italiana del Settecento (Bologna, 1984) 487–510.
- For bibliography of recent and older works see also Scienziati del Settecento Altieri Biagi M.L. Basile B. Milan and Naples 1983 7 10 and 784–6. This book is inexplicably absent from the extensive bibliography compiled by Soppelsa, even though it proves to be valuable in bringing to light little-known areas of Italian scientific production. In our specific case, the book (an anthology of the major eighteenth century ‘scientific prosaist’) is very useful in placing Vallisneri in the Italian debate by presenting extracts (apart from those of the same Vallisneri and Riccati) of three representatives of his school: Girolamo Gaspari, Carlo Francesco Cogrossi and Anton Lazzaro Moro. Gaspari makes an interesting comparison between some observations made by Redi and Vallisneri with the intention of vindicating the ‘redian’ and (thus) ‘galileian’ origins of modern eighteenth century biology. A letter from Cogrossi to Vallisneri, published as Idea del male contagioso de' buoi (1714), is quoted; it represents one of the most important texts on research on contagium vivum. Extracts from Moro's well known De' crostacei e degli altri corpi che si trovano sui monti (1740), are included; modelled upon a similar work by Vallisneri, it seems to be the starting point for Italian geology, differing from Vallisneri on basic issues such as the relationship between the marine environment and lithogenesis.
- For placing him in the Italian mathematical milieu see Pepe L. Il calcolo infinitesimale in Italia agli inizi des secolo XVIII Bollettino di Storia delle Scienze Matematiche 1981 1 43 101 (71–3). See also his ‘Sulla trattatistica del calcolo infinitesimale in Italia nel secolo XVIII’, Atti del Convegno “La storia delle Matematiche in Italia” (Bologna, 1984), 145–227 (pp. 148, 168–170, 182–92); ‘Newton, il metodo delle flussioni e i fondamenti dell'analisi in Italia nel secolo XVIII’, Preprint, pp. 8–10; Les mathématiciens italiens et le calcul infinitesimal au debut du XVIIIe siecle’, Atti del Convegno ‘Leibniz und die Mathematik’ (Noordwijkerhout, 28–30 August 1984), Preprint, pp. 7–10.
- The case of Frisi, which is typical of the circulation of the Vallisneri's texts and his school in Italy, is significant for his critical reading of Vallisneri and also of the Swiss geopalaeontologist Joahann Scheuchzer (whose work had wide circulation in Italy, as is also revealed in the correspondence). Compare for example the following passage (in Frisi P. Opera Milan 1783 2 316 316 regarding the general theory of rivers: ‘It was a simple fantasy of Descartes, that the sea water passed through underground caverns to the centre of mountains and was filtered and made fresh by the internal heat, as was also a fantasy that of Vallisneri and Scheuchzer, that some mountain lakes fed rivers that sprung elsewhere by means of siphons excavated internally in the clay, tufa, and rocks, which form like a skeleton of the globe’. Frisi's criticism, motivated by his belief that the geopalaeontological problem had been ‘dealth with at the writing desk of many (but not only) Italian philosophers’, aimed at the fact that they did not acknowledge (even if they admitted the long calculations of Halley and Mariotte) the evaporation phenomenon.
- Franksen , O.I. 1981 . Mr. Babbage, the Difference Engine, and the Problem of Notation . International Journal of Engineering Science , 19 : 1657 – 1694 .
- Schutz , J.A. and Adair , D. , eds. 1966 . The Spur of Fame: Dialogues of John Adams and Benjamin Rush, 1805–1813 44 – 44 . San Marino
- Bedini's earlier work stands as one of the best examples Thinkers and Tinkers: Early Aermican Men of Science New York 1975
- York , N.L. 1985 . Mechanical Metamorphosis: Technological Change in Revolutionary America Westport and London
- An exhaustive field-by-field account of the prodigious increase is Greene J.C. American Science in the Age of Jefferson Ames 1984
- E. A. Fellman argues from internal evidence (1765 on p. 70, 1766 on p. 137), that it was written in the mid-1760s and before Euler went totally blind (see Leonhard Euler, Beiträge zur Leben und Werk Basel 1983 83 84 The ‘Advertisement by the Editors of the Original, in German’ (Euler, Algebra, 1840, p. xxiii), says that Euler had already suffered ‘loss of sight’. Most likely dates are 1766–1768.
- Euler , L. 1840 . Elements of Algebra London Memoir by Horner, p. xix. C. Hutton, A Mathematical and Philosophical Dictionary, 2 vols (London, 1796), I, 451.
- For a recent look at one example, see Merton Robert K. Sills David I. Stigler Stephen M. The Kelvin Dictum and Social Science: An Excursion into the History of an Idea Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 1984 20 319 331
- Marre , A. 1880 . Notice sur Nicolas Chuquet et son Triparty en la science des nombres . Bullettino di bibliografia e die storia delle scienze mathematiche e fisiche , 13 : 555 – 814 . et 14 (1881), 413–460.
- Chuquet , Nicolas . 1979 . La Géométrie. Première géométrie algébrique en langue française (1484) Edited by: l'Huillier , par Hervé . Paris
- Hermann . 1978 . Geschichte der Astronomie von Herschel bis Hertzsprung , Berlin : VEB Deutscher Verlag der Wissenschaften .
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