- Cf. Giacomo Devoto's Gli antichi Italici, Florence 1931, a study devoted to what is traditionally considered the second Italic wave.
- Cf. Giacomo Devoto, Storia della lingua di Roma, Bologna 1940, p. 59 ff.
- Cf. e.g. A. M. Duque, Osco y Umbro, Madrid 1949, p. 3.
- Les mutations consonantiques, Essai de position des problèmes, Paris 1948.
- Acta Linguistica 2.87–97.
- With J. Kurylowicz, Etudes indo-européennes 1.45–46.
- Ibid. 71–75; Fourquet posits it for a Germanic-Armenian dialect of IE.
- Ibid. 51–70.
- Cf. e.g. Sturtevant, The Pronunciation of Greek and Latin, Philadelphia 1940, §92.
- Cf. Meillet-Ernout, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latine, nouvelle édit., p. 3.
- Ferdinand Sommer, Handbuch der lateinischen Laut- und Formenlehre, Heidelberg 1948, 275.
- C. D. Buck, A Grammar of Oscan and Umbrian, Boston 1904, 82,170.
- Cf. above, §6 about Gk. τ.
- C. D. Buck, ibid. 91.
- Cf. F. Sommer, ibid. 240, 247f.
- Cf. below §19.
- There is, of course, no gw in Classical and no γw in Modern Greek.
- Meillet-Vendryes, Traité de grammaire comparée des langues classiques, Paris 1927, 69.
- Forms like O..fruktatiuf, U. fiktu, ninctu are sometimes adduced (cf. Buck, ibid. 95) as a proof that the Oscan-Umbrian shift of labiovelare to labials took place only after the vowel originally intervening between the dorsal and the apical stops had been eliminated by syncope. But we maybe allowed to share Brugmann's scepticism (Grundriss21.602f.). In the case of fruktatiuf and fiktu, it is not at all sure that the original dorsal was *gw and not *g (cf. L. frūgēs, Goth, bruks, L. fīgō). In any case, the k of fiktu is startling since the normal Umbrian reflex of secondary *-kt- is -it-, and we do not see why postulating *-kwt- instead of *-kt- would make a difference. One might be tempted here to think of a loan or at least an influence from neighboring q-dialects. As regards ninctu, original *-ghw- is certain; -nct- instead of -mt- (cf. umtu) may be due to the same, unknown, cause as the -g- og U. carriegos (cf. Goth, hneiwan, L. conīueō, from *kneighw-). Should one however prefer to follow Buck in his assumption of a late shift from labiovelare to labials, we should have to suppose that, in Oscan-Umbrian, *gw was not weakened further than γw; the shift from *fiγwetod to *fiγwtod, fiγtod, fiχtod (but again why fiktu with k?) should have taken place before γw + vowel passed to b, later strengthened to b.
- It is worth noticing in this connection that Praenestine fhefhaked and Numasioi show no trace of the vowel blurring we find in L. Numerio and would have in *feficit (cf. Ernout, Les éléments dialectaux du vocabulaire latin, Paris 1909, 38) and which is absent in O. fefacid.
- About this term, cf. Roman Jakobson, Observations sur le classement phonologique des consonnes, in Proceedings of the Third International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Ghent 1938, 39.
- Cf. however George Nordmeyer in Language 11. 216–219.
- It is generally assumed (cf. F. Sommer, ibid. 183, 184) that χl- and χr- (or their predecessors *khl-, *khr-) yield Lat. gl- and gr- as in glīscō (cf. Gk. χλιω, MHG glīmen), gradua (cf. Goth. grid). This is phonetically highly doubtful, unless we assume the change for some remote period when the initial sound in those groups was still *gh- whatever that actually means. There seem to be too few convincing etymologies based upon this alleged shift to warrant anything but the assumption of ‘Anlautsdoubletten’ in a few cases like L. glaber (from *gladh- alternating with *ghladh- whence Germ, glatt). It is worth mentioning in this connection that *ghwr- seems to yield L. fr- as in frendo (cf. Eng. grind). It is not easy to see why voice should have been permanently lost in *ghwr- but retained or restored in *ghr-.
- Cf. above §26.
- Osean and Umbrian have in common the ‘prophylactic’ reinforcement of original medial -ns- to -nz- (= -nts-). Umbrian must have, at some time, reinforced in the same way original -rs- to -rts- since it does not get confused with the reflex of secondary -rs- resulting from syncope (*-rs- is -rs- or -s-, *-r- + -s- is -rf- i.e. [rv]). When -ns results from syncope, it is preserved in both dialects. Other secondary -ns or -ns- clusters yield -f, -f-, i.e. [f], [v], in Umbrian (maybe through nθ > θ > φ; we have no sure examples illustrating the fate in Umbrian of -nθ- from IE *-ndh-). Owing to defective evidence it is difficult to determine what the phonological development of Osean must have been in such matters. For details, cf. Buck, ibid. 71 ff., 76.
- The same interpretation is adopted by L. L. Hammerich, Laryngeal before Sonant, Copenhagen 1948, 44.
- It is likely that original intervocalic d was never completely restored in Umbrian because -ỡ- was shifted to -ř- (-rs-), whatever that may mean exactly, before strengthening set in.
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