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Original Articles

Intersections of Stress and Intonation

Pages 195-203 | Published online: 04 Dec 2015

  • Quoted by Harold G. Seashore in review of W. L. Schramm, Approaches lo a science of English verse, University of Iowa Studies, 1935.
  • Y. R. Chao, A preliminary study of English intonation (with American variants) and its Chinese equivalents 105 (Peiping, reprinted from the T'sai Yüan P'ei Anniversary Volume, 1932). Cp. Pike's restatement of Chao in Tone languages 86 fn 6 (Ann Arbor, 1948).
  • Intonation of American English 27 (Ann Arbor 1945).
  • Salvador Fernández, Gramática espa¯ola 49 (Madrid, 1951). C. E. Kany, Spanish American syntax 262 (Chicago, 1945).
  • Of course intonations may themselves vary dialectally in FREQUENCY, so as to give the illusion of a dialectal difference at the stress level.
  • Student reports at the University of Illinois, Word Study Apr. 1951, p. 7.
  • Operator at Occidental College, 30 Aug. 1951.
  • The new adventures of Ellery Queen 260 (New York, Pocket Books, 1945).
  • Grant County, Indiana, speech and. song 6 (privately printed, 1946).
  • ‘The Line Up’ radio program 12 Sep. 1951.
  • Fernández 17.
  • PADS No. 14 p. 75 (1950).
  • I see an infonational infection of the whole verb system of English in the tendency of the ‘vigorous’ bisyllabic verb to take loud stress on the last syllable, as against the tendency of bisyllabic adjectives to take loud stress on the last syllable only when they are normally terminal in the breath group, as with alive, alike, alert; though adjectives are probably also affected by the normal alternation of stresses which forces loud stress to be regressive: éxpert wátchmaker.
  • Cp. also '¡Quién no lo hubiera hecho!' This is one of the intonations that deserve comparison for gestural ties. The abruptly low and by contrast feeble portion after the stress, often running to several syllables, seems to symptomize as well as symbolize resignation.

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