- Chr. S. Stang, Das slavische und baltische Verbum (Oslo, 1942), p. 90.
- In general there is a problem in Slavic as to why we find the vocalic reflex of the sonants, i.e. -ĭr-, -ĭl-, etc. (<IE*-r-, *-l-, etc.) in pre-vocalic position at morphological boundaries, e.g. bĭr-a-ti instead of *br-a-ti. In Language XXXV (1959), 16–171 suggested that this might be the result of generalization of the vocalic plus consonantal form of the sonant which is to be expected in initial position according to Edgerton's formulation of Sievers' law. Whatever the origin may be, there is certainly a morphological parallelism between -ǐr-, -ǐl-, -ǐm-, -ǐn- (-ŭn- in the case of gŭnati) on the one hand and -ĭj- and -ŭv- on the other. I shall term all of the above reflexes of the sonants the vocalic zero grade, including even -ǐj- and -ŭv- although strictly speaking here we have vocalic plus consonantal reflexes.
- Stang, p. 92 and Nicolaus van Wijk, Istorija staroslavjanskogo jazyka (Moscow, 1957), p. 341 =Russian translation of his Geschichte der altkirchenslavischen Sprache.
- Op. cit., p. 92. An explanation sometimes advanced is that given by André Vaillant (Grammaire comparée des langues slaves, Paris, 1950, Vol. I, p. 99) that the group *-ejj- became -ěj- in Slavic. This does not seem likely to us because the IE diphthong *-ej- passes to Slavic -i- before every other consonant, e.g. Lith. vé idas ‘face’, Slavic vidŭ ‘aspect’.
- Max Vasmer, Russisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (Heidelberg, 1953), p. 457.
- William Diver, “Palatal Quality and Vocalic Length in Indo-European,” Word XV (1959), 110–122.
- Diver, op. cit., p. 119.
- Antoine Meillet, Le slave commun (Paris, 2 1934), p. 48.
- Julius Pokorny, Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch (Bern, 1949ff.), p. 664.
- Op. cit., p. 844.
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