References
- Von Weizsäcker , R. 1987 . “ ‘Die Deutschen und ihre Identität,’ ” . In Von Deutschland aus. Reden des Bundespräsidenten München : Deutsche Taschenbuch-Verlag . 39 and 61.
- Gellner , E. 1983 . Nations and Nationalism Oxford : B. Blackwell . 1: “Nationalism is primarily a political principle, which holds that the political and the national unit should be congruent.” This formulation is adopted by many well-known authors, for example by E.J. Hobsbawm, Nations and Nationalism since 1780 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1990), 9.
- 1990 . Du droit à la philosophie 283 – 309 . Paris : Galilée . An exception to this is the series of lectures Derrida gave in Toronto. J. Derrida, ‘La philosophie dans sa langue nationale,’
- It is the famous definition of Abbé Sieyès from the time of the French Revolution: “La nation, c'est un corps d'associés vivant sous une loi commune et représentés par la même législature.”
- Ball , T. , Farr , J. and Hanson , R. L. , eds. 1989 . Political Innovation and Conceptual Change 177 – 93 . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press . This meaning was also present in ‘patriote’ or ‘patriot’ which means ‘warrior for the nation’ in the universal sense of warrior against tyranny, for freedoms and constitutional rights. This was also the acceptable meaning, not only during the English and American revolutions, but even in England at the beginning of the nineteenth century. The term was then mostly used by and for the Chartists, who in their fight for radical social and economic reformation were at an earlier stage even internationally oriented. Only later in the century would the term obtain nationalistic connotations. Cf. M.G. Dietz, ‘Patriotism,’ in
- 1789 . Essai sur la régénération physique, morale et politique des Juifs 66 – 76 . At the same moment that Abbé Sieyès in wrote his universal outpouring on human rights, Abbé Grégoire wrote his famous texts: Rapport sur la nécessité et les moyens d'anéantir les patois et d'universaliser l'usage de la langue française. For an analysis see M. De Certeau, Une politique de la langue. La Révolution française et les patois (Paris: Gallimard 1975); P. Caussat, De l'identité culturelle. Mythe ou réalité (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer 1989)
- De l'identité culturelle 77 – 81 . Caussat
- De l'identité culturelle 66 – 69 . Caussat
- Lacoue-Labarthe , Ph. and Nancy , J.-L. 1991 . Le mythe nazi 57 – 58 . La Tour d'Aigues : Editions de l'Aube .
- Gellner . Nations and Nationalism 43 Even in the cradle of the romantic version there was, in spite of the communal language, no feeling of national unity. This occurred only after Bismarck, thus after political unity. One thinks precisely of the cult of the Gothic. In this way a Flemish and Walloon national feeling has only developed after, within, and thanks to the Belgian context that historically represents a much older unity.
- The double movement is possible also at the level of supra-national structures. In so called Euro-nationalism, Europe is presented as a super-nation with its own national (and also socio-cultural) identity. This can be interpreted in two ways. Either political union is the expression of the unity of the nation (the Christian inheritance, for example), or a politically unified Europe must make of itself a cultural unity (via, for example, educational policy).
- Sandel , M. 1984 . ‘The Procedural Republic and the Unencumbered Self,’ . Political Theory , 12 : 81 – 96 . See 1
- Serutan , R. 1990 . “ ‘In Defence of the Nation,’ ” . In The Philosopher on Dover Beach 299 – 328 . Manchester : Carcanet .
- Levinas , E. 1976 . Difficile liberté. Essais sur le judaïsme 40 Paris : Albin Michel .
- Peperzak , A. 1991 . ‘From Utilitarianism to Ethics,’ . Algemeen Nederlands Tijdschrift voor Wijsbegeerte , 83 : 4 271
- Willms , B. 1986 . Idealismus und Nation. Zur Rekonstruktion des politischen Selbsbewusstsein der Deutschen Paderborn : Schöningh .
- Le mythe nazi 61 In Nazism, the political cannot be viewed as an articulation of pre-political or cultural identities, because this would presuppose a universal moment. Nazism is the negation of all universality. For that reason it is not even about language or cultural identity. It is about the completely singular and the completely incommunicable. It simply marks its own soil with its own blood.
- Habermas , J. 1987 . Eine Art Schadensabwicklung 135 Frankfurt a. M. : Suhrkamp . 171; Die nachholende Revolution (Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp 1990), 135. J.-M. Ferry, ‘Qu'est-ce qu'une identité postnationale?’ Esprit 164 (1990) 80–90; ‘Pertinence du postnational,’ J. Lenoble and N. Dewandre, L'Europe au soir du siècle (Paris: Editions Esprit 1992), 39–58.
- 1992 . The End of History and the Last Man New York : The Free Press . This seems to be suggested in F. Fukuyama, ch. 25.
- 1988 . Etrangers à nous-mêmes 287 – 90 . Paris : Fayard . See the last pages of J. Kristeva
- 1983 . Le Différend 216 – 17 . Paris : Editions de Minuit . The expression comes from J.-F. Lyotaid
- It is conspicuous how Belgium, after becoming a federal state a number of years ago, still finds it difficult to discuss important political problems (for example, the efficient working of social security or of justice). Just as a discussion is begun, another party proposes that the competence in the matter be divided up and referred to the regional governments. This type of splitting up has now acquired the status of ‘political solution.’
- Havel , V. 1991 . “ ‘On Home,’ ” . In New York Review of Books, 5 December 49.
- Sociologists such as Gabriel A. Almond use the term ‘political culture.’ It is useful here in expressing the fact that groups embody and institutionalize very specific forms of political conduct and notions. Thus a form of national integration, in the political sense, is possible which does not coincide with the ethnic or cultural unity.
- Die nachholende Revolution 149 – 56 . Habermas has emphasized this himself in his interview with Ferry.
- 1987 . Die Bundesrepublik auf der Suche nach ihrer Identität München : C.H. Beck . Sociological research has shown that in the Federal German Republic the dominant feelings of collective identity have shifted from a cultural identity to a collective pride in their democratic and economic achievements. H. Honolka,.