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Part III: For and Against Nationalism

The Nation-State as a Political Community: A Critique of the Communitarian Argument for National Self-Determination

Pages 311-343 | Published online: 01 Jul 2013

References

  • 1989 . Market, State, and Community: Theoretical Foundations of Market Socialism Vol. 18:1 , Oxford : Oxford University Press . The relevant writings of Miller and Walzer will be cited below. While Miller openly acknowledges his political philosophy to be communitarian, Walzer is somewhat more circumspect. He seems to view communitarianism as a supplementary theory to liberalism; nevertheless, he sees liberalism as requiring ‘periodic communitarian correction.’ See David Miller, ch. 9, and Michael Walzer, ‘The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism,’ Political Theory (Feb. 1990) 21.
  • 1994 . Ethnonationalism: The Questfar Understanding Princeton , NJ : Princeton University Press . This definition is loosely based on the one given by Walker Connor in his book, xi.
  • Bottomore , Tom and Goode , Patrick , eds. 1983 . Die Nationalitätenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie This term originated in Otto Bauer, (Wien: Wiener Volksbuchhandlung 1907); excerpted in Austro-Marxism (Oxford: Clarendon Press 1978), and has been used by Walzer, among others; see, Michael Walzer, Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality (New York: Basic Books, 62.
  • 1990 . Justice and the Politics of Difference Princeton , NJ : Princeton University Press . Iris Marion Young, 46
  • 1962 . The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke Oxford : Oxford University Press . The classic discussion of individualist political philosophy is found in C.B. MacPherson,; see also the various writings of Charles Taylor, particularly the essays in his Philosophical Papers, 2: Philosophy and the Human Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985).
  • Taylor , Charles . 1995 . Philosophers Look at Canadian Confederation Edited by: French , G. Vol. 41 , in ‘Why Do Nations Have to Become States?’ in Stanley ed., (Montreal: Canadian Philosophical Association 1979), distinguishes several types of argument for a principle of national self-determination based on individualist ideas of rights, welfare, or self-government. But he sees the ‘communitarian’ argument (from the espousal of national identity) as a ‘deeper’ justification based on a questioning of personal identities (44–45). For another perspective on the different types of justification for a principle of national self-determination, see Omar Dahbour, ‘A Critique of National Self-Determination’ (PhD dissertation, City University of New York,.
  • Raz , Joseph . 1986 . The Morality of Freedom Oxford : Clarendon Press . See and Avishai Margalit and Joseph Raz, ‘National Self-Determination,’ Journal of Philosophy 87 (Sept. 1990) 439–61; see also Yael Tamir, “The Right to National Self-Determination,’ Social Research 58:3 (Fall 1991), and Liberal Nationalism (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 1993).
  • Beran , Harry . 1987 . The Consent Theory of Political Obligation Edited by: Allan Macartney , W. J. London : Croom Helm . See as well as Harry Beran, ‘Self-Determination: A Philosophical Perspective,’ in Self-Determination in the Commonwealth (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press 1988); see also, e.g., David Copp, ‘Do Nations Have the Right of Self-Determination?’ in French, Philosophers Look at Canadian Confederation. It ought to be mentioned that the libertarianism of this approach tends to be unacknowledged.
  • The reasons that individualist concepts of self-determination cannot justify these assumptions are too involved to summarize here; see Dahbour, ‘Critique of National Self-Determination,’ esp. chs. 2 & 3. This paper is concerned with the ‘political’ communitarians—David Miller and Michael Walzer—rather than ‘moral’ communitarians such as Alasdair Maclntyre and Michael Sandel (and, to some extent, Charles Taylor). On this distinction, see Walzer, ‘Communitarian Critique of Liberalism,’ 21, where the latter are characterized as concerned with the ‘constitution of the self’ while the former seek to theorize the ‘connection of constituted selves.’
  • Miller , David . 1993 . In Defence of Nationality,’ . Journal of Applied Philosophy , 10 : 12
  • Miller . ‘In Defence of Nationality,’ 9
  • 89 . Philosophy and the Human Sciences , : 51 – 73 . The basic case for a communitarian approach to social justice and human rights is made by Taylor in his articles, ‘Atomism’ and “What's Wrong with Negative Liberty,’ both in and by Walzer in his book, Spheres of Justice. The case for a socialist communitarianism is made by Miller in his article, ‘In What Sense Must Socialism Be Communitarian?’ Social Philosophy and Policy 6 1988–)
  • Beiner , Ronald . 1987 . What's the Matter with Liberalism? Berkeley : University of California Press . See, e.g., 1992), 123; Ross Poole, Morality and Modernity (London: Routledge 1991), ch. 5; Tamir, Liberal Nationalism, ch. 6; and Anthony Giddens, A Contemporary Critique of Historical Materialism, 2: The Nation-State and Violence (Berkeley: University of California Press.
  • Poole . Morality and Modernity 105; Tamir, Liberal Nationalism, 139. Both Poole and Tamir make the important point that the nation-state is the largely unacknowledged form of community implied in individualist accounts of supposedly universal conceptions of justice or rights. It remains unacknowledged because a privileging of national affinities seems to violate the fundamental individualist commitment to neutrality with respect to conceptions of the good life. Despite this, attempts to derive a universalistic account of distributive justice necessarily presuppose particular territorial states within which distributions take place. But if, as Poole and Tamir contentiously maintain, the nation-state is the only form that such territorial states can (currently) take, then even universalistic theories must implicitly assume their legitimacy.
  • Walzer , Michael . 1977 . Just and Unjust Wars: A Moral Argument with Historical Illustrations 90 New York : Basic Books .
  • Beiner , Ronald , ed. 1990 . Citizenship and Community: Civic Republicanism and the Modern World London : Routledge . On civic republicanism generally, see Adrian Oldfield,; and on the problem of finding a realizable concept of what he calls ‘civic identity,’ see Ronald Beiner, ‘Why Citizenship Constitutes a Theoretical Problem in the Last Decade of the Twentieth Century,’ in Theorizing Citizenship (Albany: State University of New York Press 1995), and Beiner, What's the Matter with Liberalism?, passim. Walzer points to a limitation of civic republicanism when he writes that, “A revival of neoclassical republicanism provides much of the substance of contemporary communitarian politics. [But] there are virtually no examples of republican association and no movement or party aimed at promoting such association” (‘Communitarian Critique of Liberalism,’ 19). The recent work of Stephen Macedo seems designed to answer—at least in the realm of theory—Walzer's charge against civic republicanism by arguing that ‘liberal constitutionalism’ does in fact embody substantive civic values. As Macedo writes, “Communitarian values are implicit in the idea of a pluralistic community governed properly by liberal justice” (Liberal Virtues: Citizenship, Virtue, and Community in Liberal Constitutionalism [Oxford: Clarendon Press 1990], 203). I cannot deal further with this controversy here other than to say that Macedo does not seem to separate the problem of how to define the conditions of membership in a community—whether on grounds of national identity or in some other way—from the question of the values that underlie the constitution of a state.
  • Mason , Andrew . 1993 . ‘Liberalism and the Value of Community,’ . Canadian Journal of Philosophy , 22 (June 232
  • Kymlicka , Will . 1995 . Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights 92 – 93 . Oxford : Clarendon Press .
  • Kymlicka . Multicultural Citizenship 184 – 5 .
  • Spheres of Justice The communitarian view of rights is expressed, e.g., by Walzer (in 153), when he states that rights (at least some of them) are not ‘natural or human rights’ but are “derived from the social meaning of offices and careers and vindicated in the course of long political struggles.” But the case for the second-order character of rights (that is, as dependent on the values of a given political community) is more often assumed than argued for by communitarians.
  • Walzer , Michael . 1989 . ‘Nation and Universe’ (Tanner Lectures on Human Values, Oxford University, May, 554 (italics added)
  • Miller , David . 1995 . On Nationality 90 Oxford : Clarendon Press .
  • 1989 . Just and Unjust Wars These two aspects will be dealt with here by focusing, in the first case, on Walzer ‘s argument for national self-determination, particularly in his books, Spheres of Justice, and in his Tanner Lectures, ‘Nation and Universe,’ and in the second case, on Miller's argument, particularly in his recent book, On Nationality.
  • Walzer . ‘Nation and Universe,’ 538
  • Walzer . Spheres of Justice 44
  • Walzer . Just and Unjust Wars 57
  • 1988 . Ethics , 98 This is what Miller calls the basis of a ‘universalist case for nationality’—the need for delimited communities within which redistributions of goods in favor of greater equality can be mandated. See David Miller, ‘The Ethical Significance of Nationality,’ (July 661.
  • Walzer . Spheres of Justice 31
  • Walzer . Spheres of Justice 31
  • Walzer . 554 – 5 . ‘Nation and Universe,’
  • Walzer , Michael . 1992 . “ ‘The New Tribalism: Notes on a Difficult Problem,’ ” . In Dissent (Spring, 169
  • Walzer . 554 – 5 . ‘Nation and Universe,’
  • Walzer . Spheres of Justice , 44
  • Walzer . Spheres of Justice 61 – 62 . (italics added)
  • Walzer . ‘Nation and Universe,’ 519
  • Walzer . ‘Nation and Universe,’ 548
  • Walzer . ‘New Tribalism,’ 166
  • Miller . Market, State, and Community 245
  • Miller . On Nationality , 11
  • Miller . On Nationality 90
  • Miller . On Nationality , 11
  • Miller . On Nationality 72
  • Miller . On Nationality 98
  • Miller . On Nationality 93
  • Miller . On Nationality 187
  • Miller . On Nationality 96
  • Rawls , John . 1989 . The Domain of the Political and Overlapping Consensus,’ . New York University Law Review , 64 : 235
  • Oldfield . Citizenship and Community 7
  • Miller . On Nationality 10 – 11 . (italics added)
  • Miller . On Nationality 92
  • 1982 . The Ethnic Origins of Nations Oxford : Basil Blackwell . The primordialist account of national identity can be found, e.g., in the numerous works of Anthony Smith (for example, [1986]), as well as in John Armstrong, Nations before Nationalism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
  • Miller . On Nationality 22 – 25 . See for his definition of national identity, which is in most respects similar to that given by Walzer.
  • 1982 . Nationalism London : Edward Arnold . For this modernist view, see, among others, the following works: Peter Alter, tr. Stuart McKinnon-Evans 1989); Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, rev. ed. (London: Verso 1991); John Breuilly, Nationalism and the State (Chicago: University of Chicago Press; Ernest Gellner, Nations and Nationalism (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press 1983); William McNeill, Polyethnicity and National Unity in World History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1986); and Hugh Seton-Watson, Nations and States: An Enquiry into the Origins of Nations and the Politics of Nationalism (London: Methuen 1977); as well as the previously cited works by Connor and Giddens.
  • Breuilly , John . 1993 . “ ‘Nationalism and the State,’ in ” . In Nationality, Patriotism, and Nationalism in Liberal Democratic Societies Edited by: Michener , Roger . 38 St. Paul , MN : Professors World Peace Academy .
  • Dworkin , Ronald . 1986 . Law's Empire 201 Cambridge , Ma : Belknap Press .
  • Dworkin . Law's Empire 211
  • Morality of Freedom This is a quandary for any theory of political representation that neglects consideration of the consequences for those represented; on this point, see Raz, 55.
  • Taylor , Charles . “The Nature and Scope of Distributive Justice,’ in ” . In Philosophy and the Human Sciences 311
  • Fain , Haskell . 1987 . Normative Politics and the Community of Nations 102 Philadelphia : Temple University Press .
  • 1979 . Communication and the Evolution of Society Boston : Beacon Press . Jürgen Habermas, ‘Legitimation Problems in the Modern State,’ in tr. Thomas McCarthy 188
  • 1984 . The Theory of Communicative Action , 1 : 285 – 6 . Jürgen Habermas, Reason and the Rationalization of Society, tr. Thomas McCarthy (Boston: Beacon Press
  • 1992 . Praxis International , 12:1 Jürgen Habermas, ‘Citizenship and National Identity: Some Reflections on the Future of Europe,’ (April 17
  • Habermas . ‘Citizenship and National Identity,’ 3
  • Miller , David and Siedentop , Larry , eds. 1983 . The Nature of Political Theory Oxford : Clarendon Press . As Brian Barry puts it, “Why should anybody form an attachment to an administrative apparatus with a monopoly of legitimate force within a certain territory?. what is important is not the machinery of government but that the people should have a sense of shared political destiny with others, a preference for being united with them politically in an independent state, and preparedness to be committed to common political action” (‘Self-Government Revisited,’ in [], 140–1).
  • 1987 . Beyond Justice 236 – 40 . Oxford : Basil Blackwell . The root of the problem with theories of ‘constitutional patriotism’—to use Habermas’ phrase—is that they fail to posit substantive values that can serve as a basis for deciding upon particular principles. On the idea of ‘constitutional patriotism,’ see Habermas, ‘Citizenship and National Identity,’ 7; on how this problem affects the foundations of Habermas’ theory of procedural legitimacy, see Agnes Heller
  • Taylor adds a fourth possible solution—a federal system. But this is, as with Walzer's palliatives, too little, too late, and, in any case, lacks any theoretical justification from communitarian premises. See Taylor, ‘Why Do Nations Have to Become States?,’ 57.
  • Walzer . ‘New Tribalism,’ 169
  • Ofuatey-Kodjoe , Wentworth . 1977 . The Principle of Self-Determination in International Law 164 New York : Nellen .
  • Principle of Self-Determination in International Law Ofuatey-Kodjoe, 162
  • Walzer . ‘New Tribalism,’ 166
  • Jennings , Ivor . 1958 . The Approach to Self-Govemment 56 Cambridge : Cambridge University Press .
  • Walzer . ‘Nation and Universe,’ 548
  • Walzer . ‘Nation and Universe,’ 535
  • Barry . ‘Self-Government Revisited,’ 135
  • Miller . On Nationality , 85 (italics added)
  • 1992 . Radical Philosophy , 60 : 10 – 11 . Jonathan Rée, Internattonality,’ (Spr. esp.
  • Magnuson , Warren . 1990 . “ The Reification of Political Community,’ in ” . In Contending Sovereignties: Redefining Political Community Edited by: Walker , R. B.J. and Mendlovitz , Saul B. Boulder , CO : Lynne Rienner . It is also important in this regard to realize that contemporary social movements that oppose the unrestrained global market are increasingly transnational; for examples, see Jeremy Brecher and Tim Costello, Global Village or Global Pillage: Economic Reconstruction from the Bottom Up (Boston: South End Press 1994).
  • Mumford , Lewis . 1936 . The Culture of Cities Westport , CT : Greenwood Press . 1981 [originally published, 1938]), 349; another interesting, but forgotten, critic of the nation-state from this period, who makes some of the same points as Mumford, is Rudolph Rocker; see his book, Nationalism and Culture, tr. Ray E. Chase (Los Angeles: Rocker Publications Committee 1937 [originally published, in Spanish,]).
  • Giddens . Nation-State and Violence 254
  • Mies , Maria . 1993 . “ in Maria Mies and Vandana Shiva ” . In Ecofeminism 128 Atlantic Highlands , NJ : Zed Books .
  • Mumford . Culture of Cities 354
  • Mumford . Culture of Cities 349
  • Mumford . 1995 . Culture of Cities , 367; in this passage, Mumford is concerned to point out that regions are partly natural, partly created by humans. The region, he writes, is a ‘collective work of art.’ For recent discussions of Mumford's concept of regions, see Donald Alexander, ‘Bioregionalism: Science or Sensibility?’ Environmental Ethics 12 (Summer 1990) 161–73, and Mark Luccarelli, Lewis Mumford and the Ecological Region: The Politics of Planning (New York: Guilford Press.
  • Shiva , Vandana . “ in Mies and Shiva ” . In Ecofeminism 112
  • Mies , in Mies and Shiva . Ecofeminism 129 – 30 .
  • Dahbour , Omar , ed. 1996–97 . Philosophical Perspectives on National Identity Vol. 28:1–2 , 167 – 79 . On the contradiction between nationality and locality, see Rée, ‘Internationally/passim, as well as Jonathan Rée, ‘Cosmopolitanism and the Experience of Nationality,’ in a special issue of The Philosophical Forum (Fall-Winter
  • 1993 . Orion , 13 On the need for a ‘third way,’ Beiner writes that, “we are left deprived of a suitable vision of political community unless we can come up with a third possibility that is neither liberal nor nationalist, and that somehow escapes the liberals’ arguments against nationalism and the nationalists’ arguments against liberalism” (”Why Citizenship Constitutes a Theoretical Problem,’ 16). One example of this third way is the revival of the idea of the city-state; see Daniel Kemmis, ‘Focusing the Countryside: The Rebirth of the City-State,’ (Autumn 1994), 14–17, and Neal R. Peirce, Citistates: How Urban America Can Prosper in a Competitive World (Washington, DC: Seven Locks Press.
  • 1992 . Environmentalism and Political Theory: Toward an Ecocentric Approach Albany : State University of New York Press . For a thoughtful discussion of different concepts of community in contemporary environmentalism, see Robyn Eckersley, esp. ch. 7.
  • Berman , Morris . 1981 . The Reenchantment of the World 297 – 9 . Ithaca , NY : Cornell University Press . . For the historical origins of an ecoregional conception of community, see Robert A. Nisbet, The Social Philosophers: Community and Conflict in Western Thought (New York: Crowell 1973), esp. 382.
  • 1991 . Buchanan defines ‘discriminatory redistribution,’ which he applies to groups rather than regions, as “implementing taxation schemes or regulatory policies or economic programs that systematically work to the disadvantage of some groups, while benefiting others, in morally arbitrary ways” (Secession: The Morality of Political Divorce from Fort Sumter to Lithuania and Quebec [Boulder, CO: Westview Press], 40). On his account, this is the clearest case of a justifiable claim to secession; claims based primarily on the assertion of a right of self-determination for nations, however, are illegitimate (50–51).

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