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Original Articles

Administrative practices of the Aztecs, Incas, and Mayas: lessons for modern development administration Footnote

Pages 145-171 | Published online: 26 Jun 2007

References

  • Garcia-Zamor , J.C. 1992 . “ The Application of Max Weber's Model in Non-Western Public Bureaucracies ” . In Politics and Administration in Changing Societies. Essays in Honor of Professor Fred W.Riggs , Edited by: Arora , Ramesh K. New Delhi, , India : Associated Publishing House .
  • Garcia-Zamor , J.C. 1985 . Public Participation in Development Planning and Management. Cases from Africa and Asia , Boulder, Colorado : Westview Press .
  • Garcia-Zamor , J.C. and Khator , R. , eds. 1994 . Public Administration in the Global village , Westport, Connecticut : Greenwood Press . Some of the earlier theories developed by the author of this paper dealt with the inner work of development administration (Garcia-Zamor, 1972, 1973,1990,1992). The dependency of development administration on outside assistance in both the developing and developed countries is discussed in a chapter entitled Neoteric Theories for Development Administration in the New World Order.
  • Marini , Frank . 1992 . The Uses of Literature in the Exploration of Public Administration Ethics: The Example of Antigone . Public Administration Review , 52 October : 420 – 426 . A recently published article argued that public administrators can learn from studying Sophocles' Antigone. The author regards the ancient Greek play as a fruitful source of opportunities to reflect upon the ethical challenges facing modern public administration
  • Garcia-Zamor . 1992 . op cit , 52 October
  • Karen , R. 1975 . The Inca: Empire Builders of the Americas , New york : Four Winds Press .
  • Peterson , F.A. 1979 . Ancient Mexico , New York : Paragon Press .
  • Wilford , J.N. 1992 . Did Warfare Doom Mayas' Ecology? . The Miami Herald , Dec : 7L 22
  • This self-reliance could have been the result of difficulties of communications or distrust of often hostile outsiders, but it was not typical only of the Aztecs, Incas, and Mayas. Recent advances in genetic technology have indicated that early settlers in a 8,000-year old site in Florida had little contact with outsiders over the village's 1,000-year history. This conclusion has been reached by medical researchers who examined 8,000 year old tissue samples of numerous remains in a burial ground. The early results indicated these people changed very little genetically from generation to generation meaning that they likely had little or no contact with outside populations [The Miami Herald (January 23 1992): 5B].
  • Peterson, op.cit., p. 104.
  • These “divisions” were named Calpulli. Their most important duty was the redistribution of land which occurred, at most, once every four years.
  • Burland , C. and Forman , W. 1985 . The Aztecs, Gods and Fate in Ancient Mexico , London : Orbis .
  • Gallenkamp , C. Maya and Forman , W. 1976 . The Riddle and Rediscovery of a Lost Civilization , New York : David McKay Company . Occasionally peasants might have been employed in the lower levels of this bureaucracy or filled certain posts on a rotating basis with positions of authority periodically changing, allowing adult males to work their way up a hierarchical ladder by holding a series of increasingly prestigious offices.
  • Morley , S.G. 1983 . The Ancient Maya , Stanford, California : Stanford University Press . Revised by Robert J. Sharer
  • Calvani , V. 1976 . The World of the Maya Geneva
  • The Incas tried to have provinces correspond as much as possible to the native kingdoms they had added to the empire, or to tribal groups. However, when these were too small to fit the Inca notion of administrative efficiency, they combined two or three of them to constitute a province. To the Incas, a province was a certain number of taxpayers, neatly fitted into a decimal system. The top taxpaying unit consisted of 10,000 persons and, to be recognized as a province, a territory had to have at least one such unit. Most provinces had between two and four such units (Karen, 1975, p. 97).
  • Martin , L. 1964 . The Kingdom of the Sun A Short History of Peru , Vol. 1 , 10 – 11 . New York : Charles Scribner's Sons . Through the matchlessly logical administrative hierarchy which, since the days of the earlier Incas, had gradually grown to amazing efficacy, society was firmly welded vertically to the person of the ruler. The gravest lack of the Incaic system lay in the complete absence of horizontal bonds linking officials of equal rank. The flow of authority was ever from the top down through the orderly sequence of ranks to the lowest officials
  • Vega , G. 1961 . The Incas. The Royal Commentaries of the Incas , Vol. 1 , 157 New York : The Orion Press .
  • Ibid., p. 22.
  • A fair tax would be one that treats equally people in equal economic circumstances. This is known as horizontal equity. But a fair tax should also treats people in unequal economic situation unequally. This is refer to as vertical equity. The ideal is that taxes should be distributed among taxpayers in relation to their ability to pay.
  • Peterson . 1976 . op.cit. , : 16
  • Davies , N. 1973 . The Aztecs: A History , 110 New York : G.P. Putnam' Sons .
  • Vega . 1973 . op cit , : 112
  • Whitlock , R. 1976 . Everyday Life of the Maya , 67 New York : G.P. Putnam' Sons . To assist in governing outlying villages, magistrates known as batab axe bearers were selected. Essentially they functioned as provincial mayors, keeping a close rein on local government, judicial matters, and overseeing the collection of tributes paid by the peasants to the hierarchy
  • 1976 . op cit , : 218
  • Bennett , W.C. and Bird , B.B. 1949 . Andean Culture History , 221 New York : Lancaster Press .
  • Vega . 1949 . op cit , : 125
  • Mans , P.G. 1964 . Fall of the Inca Empire , 11 New York : Gardian Press . Money was unknown and the myriad evils-avarice, corruption, cruelty, and oppression - which follows in its train were less present. Value alone was known, value in the form of flocks, utensils, apparel, food, drink, shelter, materials for handicrafts, and these came in abundance to all who would work for them diligently Means, Ibid., p 11
  • Burland , Forman . 1964 . op cit , : 73 – 74 .
  • 1964 . Ibid , : 75
  • Calvani . 1964 . op cit , : 59
  • In what is now called the Classic Period, from 250 to 900 A.D., the Mayas built some 200 cities in southern Mexico, Guatemala, Belize and parts of Honduras and El Salvador. Places like Palenque, Tikal and Copan, with their soaring pyramids, represent the splendors of the period - though more recent discoveries have revealed that the civilization was prospering in the southern low lands of Guatemala even centuries before.
  • Henderson , J.S. 1981 . The World of the Ancient Maya , 152 Ithaca, New York : Cornell University Press .
  • Booth , W. 1991 . Did Maya Tap Water for Power: Reservoir Network May Explain Success of Ancient Civilization . The Washington Post , February : A3 The ability to manage water lies at the center of vigorous debate over the rise and fall of the Maya. In much the same way that aggressive water management drew large populations to the arid landscape of Los Angeles and Phoenix, the Maya elite may have constructed elaborate systems to collect and store rainwater to draw settlers to their ceremonial centers
  • Booth . 1991 . Ibid , February : A3
  • The Incas clustered the heads of families into groups of 10, 100, 500, 1,000, and 10,000 men and placed them under the direct authority of an Incan official whose rank in the Incan hierarchy depended on the number of individuals in his command. For example, a provincial governor had authority over 40,000 family heads. Imperial representatives, carefully I instructed at court, periodically inspected all the subdivisions of the empire to audit accounts, revise policies, administer justice, and implement the emperor's directives (Martin, 1974,p .14)
  • Martin . 1991 . op cit , February : 14
  • Hymans , e. and Ordish , G. 1963 . The Last of the Incas: The Rise and Fall of an American Empire , 25 New York : Simon & Schuster .
  • Peterson . 1963 . op cit , : 118 – 121 .
  • Davies . 1963 . op cit , : 109
  • 1963 . op cit , : 218
  • Vega . 1963 . op cit , : 19
  • Karen . 1963 . op cit , : 101 – 104 .
  • Meyer , C. and Gallenkamp , C. The Mystery of the Ancient Maya , 76 New York : Atheneum .
  • Ibid , 76 – 77 .
  • Coe , M.D. 1987 . The Maya , 130 New York : Thamas & Hudson . Knowledge of Mayan thought represents only a tiny fraction of the whole picture. Out of thousands of books in which the full extent of their learning and ritual was recorded, only four have survived to modern times, three of them are prayer books, These are written on long strips of bark paper folded like screens and covered with gesso, Coe, 1987, p 130
  • 1987 . op cit , : 220
  • Martin . 1987 . op cit , : 12 – 13 .

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