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ARTICLES

‘A Faith for Ourselves’: Slavery, Sufism, and Conversion to Islam at the Cape

Pages 3-24 | Published online: 14 Jan 2009

References

  • ‘Coolie’ was a term whites applied to free black labourers of east Asian descent
  • Champion , G. Journal of an American Missionary in the Cape Colony, 2009. Edited by: Booth , A. (Cape Town. 1968), vii–viii. 1. 25. 28
  • Ibid., 20
  • 1996 . 142 The phrase is Shamil Jeppie's: S. Jeppie, ‘Leadership and Loyalties: The Imams of Nineteenth-Century Colonial Cape Town, South Africa’, Journal of Religion in Africa, 26.2
  • Imams were the spiritual leaders of mosques
  • 1820 . Beginning in the s. colonial officials used ‘coloured’ as a catch-all term, incorporating a number of distinct groups: indigenous Khoikhoi and hunter-gatherers, slaves and ex-slaves of Asian and African descent, ‘free blacks’ of Asian and African descent. Prize Negroes and their descendants, and persons of mixed descent. Bantu-speaking Africans were not considered ‘coloured’
  • Robert , C.-H. and Shell , R. C.-H. 1797 . Canadian Journal of History ‘From Rites to Rebellion: Islamic Conversion, Urbanization, and Ethnic Identities at the Cape of Good Hope, to 1904’, vol 28 (Dec. 1993), 409–57. Population figures are from N. Worden, E. van Heyningen and V. Bickford Smith. Cape Town: The Making of a City (Cape Town, 1998), 124; A. Davids, ‘“My Religion is Superior to the Law”: The Survival of Islam at the Cape of Good Hope’, in Y. da Costa and A. Davids, Pages from Cape Muslim History (Pietermaritzburg, 1994), 59; J.S. Mayson, The Malays of Cape Town (Manchester, 1861;repr. Cape Town, 1963), 15
  • 1834 . Formal slavery had ended on 1 December. Under the terms of the Abolition Act (3 & 4 Wm. IV. cap. 73), the former slaves were now ‘apprenticed’ to their former owners. In practice, apprenticeship was little more than slavery under another name. Apprenticeship ended on 1 December 1838
  • Champion, Journal, 14, 20
  • See below
  • 1815 . Achmat Davids's most important work includes Da Costa and Davids, Pages from Cape Muslim History, A. Davids, ‘The Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims, from to 1915: A Socio-Linguistic Study’ (MA thesis, University of Natal, Durban, 1991);A. Davids, The History of Tana Baru: The Case for the Preservation of the Muslim Cemetery at the Top of Longmarket Street (Cape Town, 1985), and A. Davids, The Mosques of Bo-Kaap: A Social History of Islam, at the Cape (Athlone, 1980). See also A. Davids, ‘Between Christ and Muhammed: Conversion, Slavery and Gender in the Urban Western Cape’, in R. Elphick and R. Davenport, eds, Christianity in South Africa: A Political and Cultural History (Berkeley and Cape Town, 1997), and A. Davids, ‘Islam in Southern Africa, 1652–1998’, in N. Levtzion and R. Pouwells, eds. The History of Islam in Africa (Athens OH, Oxford and Cape Town, 2000), 327–48. Other works by both writers are cited below
  • Davids . “Afrikaans of the Cape Muslims”, 30ff;A. Davids, ‘Alternative Education: Tuan Guru and the Formation of the Cape Muslim Community’, in Da costa and Davids, Pages from Cape Muslim History, 47–8
  • Shell. ‘Rites to Rebellion’, 456–7
  • 1985 . Prize Negroes, also called Liberated Africans and Prize Slaves, were persons, most often from Madagascar and the East African coast, who had been rescued from slave ships by the British Navy, brought to Cape Town, liberated, and apprenticed for seven to fourteen years to colonial employers. The life of a Prize Negro was bleak—no wages, harsh treatment, and minimal provisions. See C. Saunders, ‘Liberated Africans in [the] Cape Colony in the First Half of the Nineteenth Century’, International Journal of African Historical Studies, 18, 2
  • Patterson , O. 1998 . Rituals of Blood: Consequences of Slavery in Two American Centuries 27 Washington DC
  • Patterson , O. 1982 . Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study 5 Cambridge MA
  • Ibid., 337
  • Patterson , O. 1991 . Freedom, Volume I: Freedom in the Making of Western Culture 21 – 2 . New York
  • Also, less correctly, called the khalifah.
  • 1979 . 150 – 6 . On the distinction between high sufism and popular sufism, which appealed especially to ‘the uneducated classes’, see, for instance, F. Rahman, Islam, 2nd ed. (Chicago and London
  • 1652–1795 . Kerry Ward's dissertation, which, among other things, examines the role that Muslim political and religious exiles played in propagating the faith at the Cape, will make an important contribution in this regard. See K. Ward, ‘“The Bounds of Bondage”: Forced Migration from Batavia to the Cape of Good Hope during the Dutch East India Company Era, c.’ (PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, 2002)
  • Colebrooke , H. T. and Bird , W. 1823 . State of the Cape in 1822 London (repr. Cape Town, 1966), 349
  • Watson , R. L. 1990 . The Slave Question: Liberty and Property in South Africa 172 (Hanover and London.
  • Raboteau , J. and Johnson , C. H. , eds. 1993 . God Struck Me Dead: Voices of Ex-Slaves Cleveland I owe this phrasing to A., ed., (xxv
  • A shaykh was the spiritual leader of Islamic mystical brotherhood, that is. sufi tariqa.
  • Toyob , A. 1999 . Islam in South Africa: Mosques, Imams, and Sermons Gainesville (23;S.E. Dangor, A Critical Biography of Shaykh Yusuf (Dutban, 1982), passim;Boorhaanol Islam, 29. 2 (May 1994), 2
  • Dangor , S. 1626–1699 . In the Footsteps of the Companions: Shaykh Yusuf of Macassar (in Da Costa and Davids, Pages from Cape Muslim History, 23–46
  • Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie
  • 1993 . mardycka 1 – 2 . The name, derived from or maredhika, is sometimes read as implying that they were free people: E.M. Mahida, History of Muslims in South Africa: A Chronology (Durban
  • Davids , A. 1981 . ‘Politics and the Muslims of Cape Town: A Historical Survey’ . Studies in the History of Cape Town , 4 : 177 – 8 .
  • Davids , A. 1825–1925 . Kronos , 19 : 84 ‘Muslim-Christian Relations in Nineteenth-Century Cape Town,’, (Nov. 1992, M.A. Bradlow disagrees vehemently with this assertion, claiming that the late eighteenth and early to mid-nineteenth centuries saw a ‘ferocious’ level of state repression: M.A. Bradlow, ‘Imperialism, State Formation and the Establishment of a Muslim Community at the Cape of Good Hope, 1770–1840: A Study in Urban Resistance’ (MA thesis, University of Cape Town, 1988, 133. Shell supports Bradlow's position: see Shell, ‘Islam in Southern Africa’
  • Bradlow and Tayob , A. 1995 . Islamic Resurgence in South Africa: The Muslim Youth Movement Cape Town
  • Bradlow . ‘Imperialism’, 2–3, 120ff
  • Ibid., 120ff. Among the tariqa at the Cape, Bradlow mentions the Khalwaliyyah and the Oadarlyyah.
  • Bank , A. The Decline of Urban Slavery at the Cape, 2009 to 1843 (Cape Town. 1991), 111
  • Bradlow . ‘Imperialism’, 85
  • Many of the texts Shaykh Yusuf produced while living in the Indonesian archipelago have survived and are housed in archives in Malaysia and the Netherlands
  • Hiskett , M. 1984 . The Development of Islam in West Africa 9 London and New York The veneration of saints and the visitation of their tombs is consistent with sufi practice elsewhere in the world: see
  • Dangor , S. E. 1982 . Shaykh Yusuf Westville
  • Davids , A. Men of Power and Influence: The Kramats of Constantia' (unpublished manuscript), 1, 7–8, 13–14
  • Davids . ‘Afrikaans’, 29–30
  • da Costa , Y. The Influence of Tasawwuf on Islamic Practices at the Cape', in Da Costa and Davids, Pages from Cape Muslim History, 129–35
  • Cited in Tayob, Islam in South Africa, 22–3
  • Bradlow . ‘Imperialism’, 126
  • Davids , Mosques and Shell , R. C.-H. 1984 . ‘From Rites and Rebellion: Islamic Conversion at the Cape,1808–1915’ . Studies in the History of Cape Town , 5 : 1 – 46 . See. for instance
  • Thunberg , C. P. 1986 . Travels at the Cape of Good Hope, 1772–1775 47 – 8 . repr. Cape Town
  • Davids . Mosques 100
  • Ibid., 100–1;Davids. ‘Afrikaans’, 37. [The exact year of the mosque's opening is the subject of much debate: see Tayob, Islamic Resurgence, 45.]
  • The name translates loosely as ‘honoured teacher’
  • Bradlow . ‘Imperialism’, 4
  • Davids . ‘Alternative Education’, 53, 55
  • On free black slaveowners, see, for instance, Davids, ‘Afrikaans’, 31–38
  • Davids . ‘Afrikaans’, 33
  • Davids . 1985 . “ ‘Alternative Education’, 48–9. Tuan Guru was well within the mainstream of Islamic thought. As Ralph Willis notes: it must be remembered that Muhammed, the Prophet of Isalm, was … a slaveowner … And since the tenets of Islam are tethered so tightly to the ” . In sunna (model) of its Prophet, it is no surprise to discover that slavery [commands] … such a wide presence in the social annals of Islam': R. Willis, Slaves and Slavery in Muslim Africa, Vol. I, Isalm and the Ideology of Enslavement (London, viii. The Quran itself urges, without actually commanding, kindness to the slave and recommends, without requiring, his liberation by purchase or manumission…': B. Lewis, Race and Slavery in the Middle East: An Historical Enquiry (New York, 1990), 6
  • 1804 . The formal grant of religious freedom came in
  • 1824 . Evidence from Imam Muding, 13 Dec., Imperial Blue Book, Papers Relating to the Condition and Treatment of Native Inhabitants of Southern Africa, 18 Mar. 1835, 207
  • Davids . ‘Alternative Education’, 51 and Imam Muding, Imperial Blue Book, 210
  • Shell . ‘From Rites to Rebellion’, 413–18
  • Ibid., 410–11, 419, 456–7
  • Patterson . Freedom 21
  • Davids . ‘Afrikaans’, 38
  • Moodie , J. W.D. 1835 . Ten Years in South Africa: Including a Particular Description of the Wild Sports of that Country, Vols 1 and 2 Vol. 1 , 200 London (vol., p.;J.S. Mayson. Malays of Cape Town, 12; H.T. Colebrooke, ‘Note III’, 349–50
  • Semple , R. 1803 . Walks and Sketches at the Cape of Good Hope 30 – 3 . London Shell does, however, overlook the fact that slaves who were neither Muslims nor Christians seem to have honoured their dead with burial rites and celebrated the birth of children: see, for instance
  • In this discussion of Elliot, I draw heavily on Watson, The Slave Question, 172–6
  • Quoted in Watson, The Slave Question, 173
  • Elphick , R. 1992 . 2 ‘Writing about Christianity in History: Some Issues of Theory and Method’ (Paper, University of the Western Cape, 12 Aug.
  • Hefner , W. and Hefner , R. W. , eds. 1993 . Conversion to Christianity: Historical and Anthropological Perspectives on a Great Transformation 26 Berkelely Cited in R., ed.
  • Ibid., 17
  • Eaton , R. M. 1993 . The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760 116 Berkelely
  • Armstrong , K. 1993 . History of God: The 4.000 Year Quest of Judaism, Christianity and Islam New York (xix
  • Radin , P. ‘Forword’, in C.H. Johnson, God Struck Me Dead, viii
  • Reis , J. J. 1993 . Slave Rebellion in Brazil: The Muslim Uprising of 2009 in Bahia 114 Baltimore
  • Armstrong, History of God, xix
  • Shell . ‘From Rites to Rebellion’, 410 and passim.
  • Horton , R. 1975 . On the Rationality of Conversion, Part I . Africa , 45 ( 3 ) (220 and passim.
  • Hefner . ‘World Building’, 21, 23, 28
  • Elbourne , E. 1992 . 1 ‘Early Khoisan Uses of Mission Christianity’, (Paper, University of the Western Cape, Aug.
  • Shell . ‘From Rites to Rebellion’, 411
  • Sura 2:163
  • 1835 . Imam Muding, Imperial Blue Book, 18 Mar., 207–8
  • Davids . ‘Alternative Education’, 48–56, and Davids, ‘Afrikaans’, 29
  • Malay was a local term for Muslim
  • Feierman , S. and Janzen , J. M. , eds. 1992 . The Social Basis for Health and Healing in Africa Berkeley See, eds
  • Davids , A. 1983 . “The Revolt of the Malays”: A Study of the Reactions of the Cape Muslims to the Smallpox Epidemics of Nineteenth-Century Cape Town' . Studies in the History of Cape Town. , 5 (67;Moodie, Ten Years, vol. 1, pp. 197–200;H. Lichtenstein, Travels in Southern Africa in the Years 1803, 1804, 1805, and 1806, vol. 1 (repr. Cape Town, 1928), 017
  • Davids . ‘Revolt of the Malays’
  • But as Ismail Abdulla points out, ‘Islamic medicine’ is a problematic term since the Quran has little to say about healing and since many of the physicians who worked within the Islamic world and contributed to medical learning were Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians: I.H. Abdulla, ‘Diffusion of Islamic Medicine into Hausaland’, in Feierman and Janzen, Health and Healing, 177–8
  • Abdulla . ‘Islamic Medicine’, 190
  • 1935–1952 . For a critique of Du Plessis, see S. Jeppe, ‘I.D. du Plessis and the Re-Invention of the “Malay”, c.’, unpublished manuscript
  • Shell . ‘From Rites to Rebellion’, 426
  • Davids . ‘The Survival of Islam’, 62
  • Davids . ‘Afrikaans’, 30
  • Davids . ‘My Religion’, 63
  • Davids . Mosques 110–11, and Davids, ‘Afrikaans’, 30
  • See below
  • That is khali/ah, an archaic term for the ratiep
  • 1812-13 . Cape Archives Depot, CJ 805, Court of Justice Sentences, no. 37
  • Champion, Journal, 20
  • Cole , A. W. 1852 . The Cape and the Kafirs: Or Notes of Five Year's Residence in South Africa 44 – 6 . London
  • Dec. 1861 . Dec. , 356 – 8 . Anonymous, Cape Monthly Magazine, X
  • Khan , M. A.T. The Travels of Mirza Abu Taleb Khan in Asia, Africa and Europe, during the Years 2009, 1800, 1801, 1802, and 1803 (transl. C. Stewart), vols 1 and 2 (London. 1810). vol. 1, pp. 70–2
  • Nasr , S. H. 1991 . World Spirituality: An Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest, vol. 20. Islamic Spirituality: Manifestations Edited by: Nasr , S. H. New York ‘Introduction’, in, ed., (xv
  • Rahman . Islam. 134
  • Eposito , J. Islam: The Straight Path 101
  • Armstrong . History of God 226–7
  • Nasr . Introduction, xiii
  • Armstrong . History of God 213
  • Stoddart , W. S. 1985 . Sufism: The Mystical Doctrines and Methods of Islam 56 (New York.
  • Rahman . Islam. 152
  • Doi , A.-R. I. ‘Sufism in Africa’, in Islamic Spirituality, 293.
  • Bin Bakar , O. ‘Sufism in the Malay-Indonesian World’, in Islamic Spirituality. 272
  • Costa , Da . Pages from Cape Muslim History 135
  • Finley , M. I. 1980 . Ancient Slavery and Modern Ideology 74 – 5 . Harmondsworth
  • Davids also makes this point in ‘Afrikaans’, 30
  • 1835 . Imam Muding, Imperial Blue Book, 18 Mar., 207
  • This wording paraphrases Huggins, Black Odyssey, lxxxv

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