References
- Tully , J. 1995 . Strange Multiplicity: Constitutionalism in an Age of Diversity 1 – 4 . Cambridge For a picture of the different aspects of identity politics, see
- Aronowitz , S. 1992 . The Politics of Identity: Class, Culture and Social Movements London See (J. Butler, ‘Merely Cultural’, New left Review, 227 (1998), 33–44;M. Castells, The Power of Identity (Oxford, 1997);N. Fraser, ‘From Redistribution to Recognition? Dilemmas of Justice in a “Post-Socialist” Age’, New Left Review, 212 (1995), 68–93;N. Fraser, ‘Heterosexism, Misrecognition and Capitalism: A Response to Judith Butler’, New Left Review, 228 (1998), 279–89
- Anderson , B. 1993 . Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism 2nd ed. (London, S.A. Smith, Like Cattle and Horses: Nationalism and Labor in Shanghai, 1895–1927 (Durham and London, 2002)
- Connolly , W. E. 1991 . Identity/Difference: Democratic Negotiations of Political Paradox Ithaca (A. Gutman, ed., Multiculturalism (Princeton, 1994);A. Honneth, The Struggle for Recognition: The Moral Grammar of Social Conflicts (Cambridge, Mass., 1995);W. Kymlicka, Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Human Rights (Oxford, 1995);S. Leader, ‘Three Faces of Toleration’, Ratio Juris, 10, 2 (1997), 139–64;B. Parekh, Rethinking Multiculturalism: Cultural Diversity and Political Theory (Basingstoke, 2000)
- 1999 . 499 – 519 . See A. J. Norval, ‘Truth and Reconciliation: the Birth of the Present and the Reworking of History’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 25, 3
- Laclau , E. and Mouffe , C. 1985 . Hegemony and Socialist Strategy London This approach is articulated in (D. Howarth, Discourse (Buckingham, 2000);Y. Stavrakakis, Lacan and the Political (London, 1999)
- Jung , C. 2000 . Then I was Black: South African Political Identities in Transition New Haven and London All references within parentheses refer to
- Horowitz , D. L. 1991 . A Democratic South Africa? Constitutional Engineering in a Divided Society Berkeley (A. Lijphart, Democracy in Plural Societies (New Haven 1977). For critiques of the latter, see S. Nolutshungu, Changing South Africa (Manchester, 1982);I. Shapiro, Democracy's Place (Ithaca, 1996), 79–108;R. Taylor, ‘South Africa: Consociation or Democracy?’, Telos, 85 (1990), 17–32
- Furnivall , J. S. 1956 . Colonial Policy and Practice New York Amongst those advocating theories of the plural society, see (J. Rex, ‘The Plural Society: The South African Case’, in A. Leftwich, ed., South Africa: Economic Growth and Political Change (London, 1974);M.G. Smith, ‘Social and Cultural Pluralism’, in M.G. Smith, The Plural Society in the British West Indies (Berkeley, 1965);M.G. Smith, ‘Pluralism in Precolonial African Societies’, in L. Kuper and M.G. Smith, eds, Pluralism in Africa, (Berkeley, 1969)
- Howarth , D. 1998 . South Africa in Transition: New Theoretical Perspectives Edited by: Howarth , D. and Norval , A. J. London For a more detailed critique, see, ‘Paradigms Gained? A Critique of Theories of Democratization in South Africa’, in, eds
- For example, Horowitz advocates the alternative vote electoral system—a form of majoritarianism in which candidates must secure more than half the votes in a constituency to win an outright majority, and if they do not then consideration must be taken of voters' first, second, and even third preferences. Jung argues that this procedure will only work if it can ‘encourage a moderate party to cast a wide net and to try and get as many votes as possible from as many groups as exist’, and it would only have the desired effect ‘if there were two and only two ethnic groups and two and only two political parties’ (p. 240). She then goes on to outline alternative scenarios—if there are more than two ethnic groups and more than two ethnic political parties for instance—in which the AV system can simply displace ethnic conflict to other parts of the political system, such as the formation of coalitions of ethnically based parties, or into extra-parliamentary forms of political competition (pp. 241–2). Indeed, these measures could exacerbate ethnic cleavages as they force political elites to compete for the same pool of voters in ethnic or racial terms
- Marx , A. 1998 . Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of the United States, South Africa and Brazil Cambridge See
- Flyvberg , B. 2000 . Making Social Science Matter Cambridge In this regard, see (A. Hirschman, ‘The Search for Paradigms as a Hindrance to Understanding’, World Politics, 22, 3 (1970), 329–43
- Murray , M. 1987 . South Africa: Time of Agony, Time of Destiny. The Upsurge of Popular Protest London
- Campbell , D. 1998 . National Deconstruction: Violence, Identity, and Justice in Bosnia Minneapolis For accounts that explore this issue in these contexts, see (R. Kearney, ‘Myths of Motherland’, in R. Kearney, ed., Postnationalist Ireland: Politics, Culture and Philosophy (London, 1997), 109–22;T. Kell, The Roots of Acehnese Rebellion, 1989–1992 (Ithaca, 1995);C.C. O'Brien, Ancestral Voices (Dublin, 1994);E. Said, The Politics of Dispossession: the Struggle for Palestinian Self-determination, 1969–1994 (London, 1994);O. Yitfachel, ‘Ethnocracy and Its Discontents: Minorities, Protests and the Israeli Polity’, Critical Inquiry, 26 (2000), 725–56
- Stepan , A. 1996 . Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation: South America, and Post-Communist Europe 243 In this respect, an approach that compares the grip of identities in more than one country might yield significantly different conclusions. (On occasion, Jung herself alludes to cases such as the former Yugoslavia and South Korea [p. ]). Whatever the outcome, such comparative analysis would at least enable us to ‘test’ the conclusions reached in this single-country study. This would not have to take the form of a ‘large-statistical comparison’ of different countries, which in this author's view would not take us very far in understanding the dynamics of identity formation and sedimentation. Instead, it might proceed along the lines of a comparative historical sociology, evident in the work of Theda Skocpol, Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan. See J. J. Linz and (Baltimore:;T. Skocpol, States and Social Revolutions: A Comparative Analysis of France, Russia and China (Cambridge, 1979);T. Skocpol and M. Somers, ‘The Uses of Comparative History in Macrosocial Inquiry’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22 (1980), 174–97
- Saussure , F. 1983 . Course in General Linguistics 118 London
- Laclau , E. and Mouffe , C. 1985 . Hegemony and Socialist Strategy London (J. Derrida, Of Grammatology (Baltimore, 1976);M. Foucault, ‘Nietzsche, Genealogy, History’, in P. Rabinow, ed., The Foucault Reader (Harmondsworth, 1987)
- Schmitt , C. 1996 . The Concept of the Political Chicago The friend-enemy distinction was famously used by Carl Schmitt to characterize his definition of ‘the political’. See (For a further discussion of the logics of equivalence and difference, see Howarth, Discourse, 106–7
- Althusser , L. 1969 . For Marx 10 London A term that Jung uses in a systematically misleading way. At times, it denotes the domination of one identity over another (p.), while at other times it suggests the overlaying of cultural and political meaning (p. 111). A radicalized version of the latter usage corresponds more closely to the original Freudian term, which was then developed by Louis Althusser to conceptualize the logics of displacement and condensation accompanying macro-social historical events such as the Russian Revolution. See (206
- Howarth , D. 1997 . Journal of Political Ideologies 51 – 78 . A fuller analysis of these logics is presented in, ‘Complexities of Identity/Difference: the Ideology of Black Consciousness in South Africa, 2,1 (For an equivalent analysis of the emergence and formation of apartheid discourse, see A. J. Norval, Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse (London, 1994)
- 1980 . There is some confusion about the way Jung uses the term ‘nonracialism’. In this regard, she distinguishes between ‘nonracialism’ and ‘multiracialism’, arguing that the former term was hegemonic in the UDF during the s and effaced ethnic identities such as Coloured, Indian, White and so forth, whereas in the 1990s the ANC employed the latter term to recognize ethnic differences (pp. 211–3). However, while there may have been disputes about the precise role of Coloured identity in the UDF during the 1980s, it is evident that the movement was committed to recognizing ethnic differences within it. Indeed, the Natal Indian Congress and the Transvaal Indian Congress, as well as white organisations such as the National Union of South African Students, were all affiliated to the Front
- Žižek , S. 1989 . The Sublime Object of Ideology 174 – 5 . London (This lack is ontological, firstly, because we can only become subjects by identifying with a signifier that is external and alien to us, but it is precisely because this signifier is external and alien that it can never represent us adequately and, secondly, because the signifier with which we identify in the symbolic order is always incomplete—it is marked by an outside that always escapes it
- Laclau , E. 1990 . New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time 41 – 5 . London
- Lodge , T. 1983 . Black Politics in South Africa since 1945 321 – 41 . Johannesburg Of course, I present these processes in an extremely abstract and schematized form. The concrete historical process by which this occurred is complex. For analyses of the ‘rich determinations’ involved in this process, see (J. Seekings, The UDF: A History of the United Democratic Front in South Africa, 1983–1991 (Oxford, 2000);A. Marx, Lessons of Struggle: South African Internal Opposition, 1960–1990 (Oxford, 1992)
- Maré , G. and Humilton , G. 1986 . An Appetite for Power: Buthelezi's lnkatha and the Politics of Loyal Resistance' 218 – 25 . Johannesburg
- Charney , C. 1984 . 269 – 82 . Of course, there were important tensions in this relationship, manifest in various party political splits, but these tensions tended to be about the precise character and form of continued white domination, not its abandonment and replacement See, ‘Class Conflict and the National Party Split’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 10, 1
- Michel Foucault has done most to extend the concept of genealogy into historical analysis. See Foucault, ‘Nietzsche, Genealogy, History’, 76–100
- Anderson . Imagined Communities 10
- Smith . Like Cattle and Horses 263
- Ibid., 10
- O'Meara . Volkskapitalisme 11–7
- Panizza , F. and Lodge , T. , eds. 1912 . lingua franca It is not within the remit of this article to examine this immense topic, but attention ought to be focused on at least four sets of critical political and discursive practice. These are, firstly, the centripetal forces of colonialism and imperialism, which forged a South African state in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Secondly, the long-standing national-popular tradition of political opposition, stretching back to the formation of the South African Native National Congress in, and continued with its articulation of resonating national symbols such as the Freedom Charter in 1955. Thirdly, the various instances and phases of popular political protest directed against the discredited and illegitimate balkanizing logics of the apartheid regime, whether it be defiance campaigns of the Congress Alliance in the 1950s, the construction of a common black identity by the BCM in the late 1960s and 1970s, the construction of a discourse of non-racial class solidarity amongst all South African workers by the independent trade unions in the 1970s and 1980s, and especially the constitution of non-racial, democratic national-popular ideology by the UDF and the ANC in the 1980s and 1990s. Here, an important consideration are the critical debates that took place within the national democratic movement in the 1970s and 1980s, in which a certain national-popular consent was constructed beneath the differences over strategy and the goals of liberation. And, finally, the slow but sure emergence and dissemination of a national culture forged around a shared literary and artistic heritage, sporting practices and feats, the acceptance of a common, and the existence of common religious traditions. When welded together by hegemonic political forces like the ANC, crystallized in founding events such as the first non-racial, democratic elections in 1994, and bolstered by practices such as the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, which have to some extent contributed to the creation of a democratic ethos, these factors have more or less resulted in the construction of a common South African national identity with an attendant set of citizenship rights. For a discussion of the first factor, see A. Atmore and S. Marks, ‘The Imperial Factor in South Africa in the Nineteenth Century’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 3, 1 (1974), 105–39. For a discussion of the third factor, see D. Howarth ‘Populism or Popular Democracy? The UDF, Workerism and the Struggle for Radical Democracy in South Africa’, in All Here and Now: Black Politics in South Africa in the 1980s (London, 1981);Marx, The Lessons of Struggle., The concept of a democratic ethos is discussed in D. Owen, Nietzsche, Politics, and Modernity: A Critique of Liberal Reason (London, 1995) Rethinking Populism (London, 2002), as well as
- Following Heidegger, I contrast the ontological with the ontical, in which the former refers to the implicit assumptions presupposed by any inquiry into specific sorts of phenomena and the latter to the specific sorts of phenomena themselves. For example, an ontical investigation in political science might concern itself with an analysis of electoral behaviour or different sorts of electoral system, while an ontological investigation would be concerned to explore what makes these phenomena political in the first place. Such an investigation thus involves reflection on the nature of ‘the political’ itself. See Howarth, Discourse, 112–3
- Laclau , E. , Butler , J. and Laclau , E. 2000 . Contingency, Hegemony, Universality London In other words, no matter how historicizing a particular account may be, it requires a set of concepts and categories to make its narrative possible. Of course, these concepts and categories are not necessarily fixed and exhaustive, indeed, they may have a certain contingency built into their very natures. For an illuminating discussion of this issue, see and S. Žižek, (53, 86–7, 191–5
- 2001 . 191 – 214 . See J. Glynos, ‘The Grip of Ideology: a Lacanian Approach to the Theory of Ideology’, Journal of Political Ideologies, 6, 2
- Laclau , E. 1996 . Emancipation(s) 36 – 46 . London
- Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time, 64. As the relationship between a dislocated structure and the sway of an empty signifier is contingent, empirical research is required to show how and why one succeeds while another fails, and also to investigate the mechanisms by which this contingency is concealed (naturalization, universalization, and so on)
- Posel , D. The Making of Apartheid 2009: Conflict and Compromise (Oxford, 1991)
- O'Meara . Volkskapitalisme, 243
- Norval . Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse 7–8,9
- Žižek , S. 1991 . For They Know Not What They Do: Enjoyment as a Political Factor London
- Žižek . The Sublime Object of Ideology 45
- Norval . Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse 57–100
- Greenberg , S. 1971 . Legitimating the Illegitimate: States, Markets, and Resistance in South Africa 140 Berkeley As Piet Koornhof, then Deputy Minister of Bantu Affairs, put it in Parliament in: ‘The fact of the matter is that we on this side of the House have a vision and a policy … the policy of multi-nationalism … Whether a Bantu was born in Soweto or any other prescribed area, he is and remains first of all a member of his people … Nor does it matter how long he has been living there. He remains a member of his people.’ Cited in (1987
- Adam , H. 1971 . Modernising Racial Domination: South Africa's Political Dynamics (Berkeley
- Shapiro , I. 1994 . Pathologies of Rational Choice Theory: A Critique of Applications in Political Science New Haven For a discussion, and then powerful critique, of this hegemonic discourse within contemporary social science, see DP. Green and
- Laplanche , J. and Pontalis , B. 1988 . The Language of Psychoanalysis 76 London As Laplanche and Pontalis put it, Freud used the term ‘compromise formation’ to account for the ‘form taken by the repressed memory so as to be admitted to consciousness when it returns in symptoms, dreams and, more generally, in all products of the unconscious: in the process the repressed ideas are distorted by defence to the point of being unrecognisable.’ See (The example of a fully-fledged historical hermeneutics or interpretivism I have in mind is evident in C. Taylor, ‘Interpretation and the Sciences of Man’, The Review of Metaphysics, 25, 1 (1971), 3–51
- Connolly , W. E. 1995 . The Ethos of Pluralization Minneapolis I take this idea of projecting ontopolitical interpretations into an object of study so as to reveal unacknowledged presuppositions and to dislodge sedimented understandings from William Connolly's synthesis of Nietzsche and Foucault. See
- I have also argued, from a political constructivist position, that this model would need to be predicated on the idea that social structures are incomplete and contingent entities vulnerable to dislocations and incompatibilities, and would need to acknowledge that social structures are agency dependent in that one agent's structure can be another's another facilitating condition
- 1994 . 21 – 38 . For further considerations of this dilemma, see D. Howarth, ‘The Ideologies and Strategies of Resistance in Post-Sharpeville South Africa: Thoughts on Anthony Marx's Lessons of Struggle’, Africa Today, 41, 1