References
- 1991 . South African Historical Journal , 25 : 3 – 21 . It is unclear whether this offer came before or after his comparison between the Trek and the Mfecane: Norman Etherington, ‘The Great Trek in Relation to the Mfecane: A Reassessment’, (Nov
- However he also points out, contradictorily, that the Rolong were unified as a ‘nation’ in the eighteenth century under Tau and subsequently became fragmented: see pp. 28, 53–4, 74, 138, 224, etc
- 1843 . The origins of the idea of the mfecane Etherington traces to an article by Moffat in the South African Commercial Advertiser, to documents reprinted by J.C. Chase in the Natal Papers, originally published in (see pp. 61, 147–8, 330–2) and to ideas of British military officials wrongly regarding the ‘Fetcani’ as having been driven into Xhosa territory by Shaka. Eventually the idea ‘of the Zulu kingdom as an explosive force that drove other chiefs fleeing in all directions came to be applied to all south-eastern Africa up to the Zambezi and beyond’ (pp. 158–9, 169, 332). He exaggerates the contemporary influence of the press. Thus he claims as a result of Moffat's 1824 article ‘Sotho-speaking people who were looking for work south of the Orange found themselves [wrongly] called ‘Mantatees’ by everyone, no matter where they came from’ (p. 148). The wrongful attribution of the epithet ‘Mantatees’ was common currency among blacks and whites at the time and is in no way due to Moffat's article
- Thompson , L. and Wilson , M. 1969 . Oxford History of South Africa, Vol. 1: South Africa to 1870 334 – 446 . Oxford (eds)
- Comaroff , J. 1991 . Of Revelation and Revolution: Christianity, Colonialism and Consciousness in South Africa Chicago The Griqua role in this respect is a notable omission from J. and
- 1810 . Cobbing, according to Etherington, left the door open ‘for those who wanted to retain mfecane as a label for a period of violence and state-creation lasting from about to 1830’ (p. 338)
- 1978 . 9 In particular he appears to make large jumps from the conclusions drawn by M. Hewitt, A History of Mozambique, 257, and D. Hedges, Trade and politics in Southern Mozambique and Zululand in the 18th and early 19th Centuries' (PhD thesis, University of London
- Cope , R. L. , ed. 1977 . The Journals of the Reverend T.L. Hodgson: Missionary to the Seleka-Rolong and the Griquas, 1821–1831 183 – 5 . Johannesburg However he ignores an apparent eye-witness description of cannibalism by the missionary Hodgson: see, ed.
- 1820 . ‘The historian's debate over the extent of the coastal slave trade before has diverted attention away from the slaving which unquestionably attained boom proportions over the next two decades. It is important to ask, who captured and sold the slaves?’ (p. 117)—answer: chiefs of the old Ndwande coalition
- Lye , W. and Murray , C. 1980 . Transformations on the Highveld 31 London (The chapter is by Lye and will be referred to as such
- Legassick , M. 1780–1840 . The Mfecane Aftermath: Reconstructive Debates in Southern African History Edited by: Saunders , C. and Hamilton , C. 30 Johannesburg ‘The Griqua, the Sotho-Tswana and the Missionaries,’ (PhD thesis, UCLA, 1969), 327. On Lye's treatment, see, ed., (1995
- Hartley , G. 1992 . ‘The Battle of Dithakong and “Mfecane” Theory’, in Hamilton, The Mfecane Aftermath, 414. See also G. Hartley, ‘Dithakong and the “Mfecane”: A Historiographical and Methodological Analysis’ (MA dissertation, University of Cape Town
- Etherington states, contrary to this, that Mpangazitha moved only because of the drought (p. 125)
- 1822–1824 . In comparison, in my view, W.F. Lye, ‘The Difaqane: The Mfecane in the Southern Sotho Area,’, Journal of African History, VIII, 1 (1967), 107–31, is a careful if dated account
- See Legassick, ‘The Griqua’, 132–3 and generally, 136–51
- Hartley, ‘Battle of Dithakong’, 410–1
- Legassick . ‘The Griqua’, 342–3;Hartley, ‘Battle of Dithakong’, 410–1
- See references in Hartley, ‘Battle of Dithakong’, 395
- Indeed Etherington goes to the other extreme on Moffat (pp. 95, 193), labelling him as anti-Griqua, partly at least on the basis of evidence from my PhD. This essentially relates to a later phase of Moffat's career and it is anachonistic to project it backwards
- See Legassick, ‘The Griqua’, 307–10, 337–40
- Ibid., 340
- See Lye, ‘Difaqane’, Hartley, ‘Battle of Dithakong’
- How , M. 1954 . An Alibi for Mantatisi . African Studies , 13 ( 2 )
- Shapera , I. , ed. 1951 . Apprenticeship at Kuruman, Being the Journals and Letters of Robert and Mary Moffat, 1820–1828 102 – 3 . London See, ed., (Hartley, ‘Battle of Dithakong’, 406–10
- 1824 . This is how the post- effects of the nomadic hosts are described in my thesis: ‘But by then [1825] many such groups had been deterred from further activity in Transorangia, and had moved into the area of the present Western Transvaal and Botswana, with occasional thrusts against the Rolong south of the Molopo. By early 1825, a new assault on the Ngwaketse had left their chef, Makaba, the most-feared leader of the region, dead on the field of battle. Through 1825 and 1826 there are reports of such marauders establishd at Kaditshwene but, apart from the movements of the Kololo of Sebetwane, our information on these groups is sparse… Their raiding activities would appear to have been curtailed by the settlement of Mzilikazi on the Apies River in 1825.’ Legassick, “The Griqua”, 340–1
- 1820 . Firearms undoubtedly became a major factor in the balance of power on the highveld from at least the s, and to some extent from the 1790s. Etherington rightly writes of an arms race from the 1820s but I do not believe that he is correct (p. 195) that progressive improvements in firearms—spiral grooves, expanding bullets, revolving chambers, breech-loading—date from that time They date from the 1870s
- Omer-Cooper , J. D. 1966 . The Zulu Aftermath: A Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Bantu Africa London See (131;R. Kent Rasmussen, Migrant Kingdom: Mzilikazi's Ndebele in South Africa (London, 1978), 20–5
- Wallis , J. P.R. 1945 . The Matabele Journals of Robert Moffat, 1829–1860 15 – 18 . London
- Rasmussen . Migrant Kingdom 83–4
- Keegan , T. J. 1996 . Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order Cape Town, Charlottesville Va. and London (especially 184ff
- Ibid., 186, 196. Etherington writes: ‘Surely there was a basic contradiction between Philip's pleas that people of Khoi descent be accorded equal rights south of the Orange, and his project to win the same kind of people a specially privileged position in the north' (p. 206). But at the time there did not appear any contradiction. Outside the Colony it was surely a question of protecting the rights of independent Griqua states
- Ibid., 186–9, 194
- Ibid., 196–7