- Shell , R. 1986 . ‘Slavery at the Cape of Good Hope: 1680–1731’ See R. Shell, ‘The Family and Slavery: The Cape Slave Society, 1680–1838’, in W. James and M. Simons, eds, The Angry Divide: Social and Economic History of the Western Cape (Cape Town, 1989), 20–39;(PhD thesis, Yale University,;R. Shell, ‘A Family Matter: The Sale and Transfer of Human Beings at the Cape, 1658 to 1830’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 25, 2 (1992), 285–336;R. Shell, ‘Tender Ties: The Women of Cape Slave Society’ (Institute of Commonwealth Studies, Collected Seminar Papers, The Societies of Southern Africa 17, 1992), 1–34;R. Shell, ‘Religion, Civic Status and Slavery from Dordt to the Trek’, Kronos, 19 (1992), 28–63;R. Elphick and R. Shell, 'Intergroup Relations: Khoikhoi, Settlers, Slaves and Free Blacks', in R. Elphick and H. Giliomee, eds, The Shaping of South African Society, 1652–1840 (Cape Town, 1989), 184–239
- Worden , N. 1985 . Slavery in Dutch South Africa 132 Cambridge
- Mason , J. August 1995 . ‘Social Death and Resurrection: Conversion, Resistance and the Ambiguities of Islam in Bahia and the Cape’ August , 46 – 48 . (Seminar Paper presented at the Institute for Historical Research, University of the Western Cape
- Ross , R. 1983 . Cape of Torments: Slavery and Resistance in South Africa 15 London
- Worden . Slavery in Dutch South Africa 140
- Ross . Cape of Torments 121
- There is an assumption that somehow qualitative sources are less objectively reliable than quantitative data. In an all too brief methodological exposition at the end of the book, Shell explains that ‘anecdotal sources from travellers, officials and diaries' are 'skeptically’ used only 'when no systematic data were available for certain topics' (p. 426)
- Ross . Cape of Torments N. Penn, ‘“Drosters” of the Bokkeveld and the Roggeveld, 1770–1800’, South African Historical Journal, 23 (1991), 15–40
- Mason , J. 1992 . ‘“Fit for Freedom”: The Slaves, Slavery and Emancipation in the Cape Colony, South Africa, 1806 to 1842’ John Mason has amply demonstrated the richness of the Slave Office records, particularly as a means of probing social relations within the household. See (PhD thesis, Yale University
- van der Spuy , P. 1992 . Slave Women and the Family in Nineteenth-Century Cape Town . South African Historical Journal , 27 : 64 – 5 . “
- Bank , A. 1991 . The Decline of Urban Slavery, 1806 to 1834 120 Cape Town
- Ross . Cape of Torments , 7 21 – 2 .
- This ironic term is Mason's: see ‘Fit for Freedom’, 278
- The Decline of Urban Slavery 38 – 43 . See Bank,;Mason, ‘Fit for Freedom’, 278–91
- Mason , J. 1994 . “ ‘Fortunate Slaves' ” . In Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour on a Dutch Frontier Edited by: Eldredge , E. and Morton , F. 71 – 2 . Pietermaritzburg in
- 1990 . Ibid. , : 201 – 2 . , 78.Clifton Crais has also drawn attention to the extensive stock owned by the unfree in the eastern districts of the colony in the early nineteenth century: C. Crais, ‘Slavery and Freedom Along a Frontier: The Eastern Cape, South Africa: 1770–1838’, Slavery and Abolition 11, 2
- I realise that Shell distinguishes paternalist from patrician and patriarchal family forms in a paragraph in the introduction (p. xli), but the chapters on the household fail to develop these divergences
- Ross , R. 1995 . ‘Paternalism, Patriarchy and Afrikaans' . South African Historical Journal , 32 : 39 – 40 .
- Hudson , Samuel . 1993 . “ cited ” . In The Making of an English Slaveowner: Samuel Eusibius Hudson at the Cape of Good Hope, 1796–1807 Edited by: McKenzie , K. 57 – 8 . Cape Town in
- Rayner , M. 1986 . ‘Wine and Slaves: The Failure of an Export Economy and the Ending of Slavery in the Cape Colony, South Africa, 1806–1834’ Duke University . See (PhD thesis
- du Toit , A. and Giliomee , H. 1983 . “ 2 ” . In Afrikaner Political Thought, Analysis and Documents, I: 1780–1850 Cape Town See chapter;R. Watson, The Slave Question: Liberty and Property in South Africa (Johannesburg, 1990), 30–48;W. Dooling, ‘Slavery and Amelioration in the Graaff-Reinet District, 1823–1830’, South African Historical Journal, 27 (1992), 75–94;and especially Mason, ‘Fit for Freedom’
- Mason , J. 1986 . ‘Slaveholder Resistance to the Amelioration of Slavery at the Cape’ (Seminar Paper presented at the Roots and Realities Conference University of Cape Town . See
- N. Worden and J. Armstrong on p. 42;For a few examples, see the references in footnotes to R. Ross on pp. 10, 92, 278;N. Worden on pp. 33, 46;J. Mason on p. 220
- Newton-King , S. 1992 . ‘The Enemy Within: The Struggle for Ascendancy on the Cape Eastern Frontier, 1760–1800’ London University . Those historians like Susan Newton-King and Clifton Crais, who have made a compelling case for the importance of the frontier in shaping South African society, will be rather surprised by Shell's subsequent claim that ‘[w]hether those later processes made South Africa worse or better is an important but unanswered question’ (p. 395). See C. Crais, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa: The Making of a Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770–1865 (Cambridge, 1992).(PhD thesis
- Dooling , W. 1992 . Law and Community in a Slave Society: Stellenbosch District, South Africa, c. 1760–1820 34 Cape Town 80
- van der Spuy , P. 1993 . “ ibid. ” . In ‘A Collection of Discrete Essays with the Common Theme of Gender and Slavery’ 67 – 1 . University of Cape Town . (MA thesis,. There are also very real difficulties in calculating the 'subaltern' sex ratios, given the absence of statistics for Khoi women:60
- Cited in Van der Spuy, 'A Collection of Discrete Essays', 90
- The Decline of Urban Slavery 237 In Cape Town and Cape District, for example, computations based on the Slave Office registers (1816–1834) reveal that little over 1% of slave women (most of whom did have stated occupations) were listed as 'nurserymaids': Bank
- Children of Bondage 312 – 13 . Shell does mention some of these factors, but largely discounts them
- Van der Spuy . ‘A Collection of Discrete Essays' 86
- Bank . The Decline of Urban Slavery 172 – 88 . See
- The Decline of Urban Slavery 175 – 7 . My figures are based on S.O. 12/3–12/7, Slave Office deeds of manumission, which are unconsulted by Shell. As I have argued elsewhere, this surge of manumissions in the late slave period should be related to Ordinance 19 and the legislative escape hatch it opened for manumissions by purchase: Bank
- Ross . ‘Paternalism, Patriarchy and Afrikaans' 46
South African Historical Journal
Volume 33, 1995 - Issue 1