The spontaneous ideology of tradition in post‐apartheid South Africa

Notes and references

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• Weekly Mail , 7–10–1988 Reproduced in
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• ANC . ‘Ready to Govern: Policy Guidelines for a Democratic South Africa adopted at the National Conference’ . May 28–31 . Section 3.
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• The arguments against inclusion of separate IFP and KwaZulu delegations pointed out, however, that each homeland state was represented by either a ruling party or a government (in those homelands under military rule). Allowing the IFP to be seated as both a national political party and a homeland ruling party amounted to double representation.
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• Contralesa was formed in 1987 as a UDF‐aligned organisation for chiefs willing to participate in the anti‐apartheid struggle.
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• Weekly Mail , 28–2–1992
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• Anonymous and Peires , Jeff . 1989 . “ ‘Ethnicity and Pseudo‐Ethnicity in the Ciskei’ ” . In The Creation of Tribalism in Southern Africa , Edited by: Vail , Leroy . Berkeley : University of California Press . One such submission arrived from His Majesty Maxhobayakhawuleza, Bangilizwe Sandile, King of the Ciskei Xhosa‐speaking people. S.M. Burns‐Ncamashe, ‘[Memorandum to] Rev. J.J. Mohapi, chairperson of the sub‐committee on the King of the Zulus and other traditional leaders’, 18–3–1992, ANC HQ Library, Johannesburg, South Africa. Sandile's claim to hold such a position is interestingly transparent in light of Jeff Peires’ well‐evidenced argument that no historical basis exists for a Ciskei Xhosa culture as distinct from other Xhosa speakers. See
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• Weekly Mail , 30–4–1992
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• In exact correspondence with the shifting ideological strategies employed through its offices, what was until 1959 known as the Native Affairs Department became the Department of Bantu Administration and Development, the Department of Co‐operation and Development (1979), and the Department of Development Aid (1985). Needless to say, its functions remained largely unchanged.
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• RSA: Department of Constitutional Development . 1994 . Traditional Leaders A larger number of sub‐chiefs, classified as headmen in the Eastern Cape and as izinduna in KwaZulu/Natal, also take up positions in the system, however their numbers (probably between 1500 and 2000) are in greater dispute.
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• For a critical perspective on traditional authority from within the debate, see Eddy Maloka ( 1995 ) ‘Traditional Leaders and the Current Transition’ , African Communist , 141 (2) . South African National Civic Organisation activists were frequently critical of traditional authority, and called for a test of individual traditional leaders legitimacy.
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• N. Bromberger (1982) op cit, p. 39.
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• Ibid., p. 53.
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• Union of South Africa: Act 21 of 1923, Section 27b.
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• KwaZulu: Act 16 of 1985, Sections 3, 14. Callanan's study records a chief's prosecution ofa man for illegally carrying a shield, spear, and sharpened stick. See Callanan (1986) op. cit., p. 136.
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• Mail and Guardian , 20–9–1996 Police agent Eugene de Kock testified in 1996 that he was asked by a commanding officer to file a false claim form for R20,000 so that the funds could be used to ‘manufacture assegais for the Zulus’.
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• Events of 4 May 1996, witnessed by the author.
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• Ibid., p. 292.
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• Zulu (1984) op. cit., p. 12.
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• Ibid., p. 13.
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• Zulu (1984) op. cit., p. 22.
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• Ibid., p. 23.
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• In one sense, these two instances of ideology can be regarded as separate aspects of the same process. Thus, the successful projection of an ideological image appears to be no projection at all, but a spontaneously existent phenomenon. However, each aspect can also be recognised as having an independent existence. Instrumental ideological strategies may fail to produce the desired image. Similarly, ideological images may seem to appear without being immediately traceable to an instrumental apparatus.
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• Ibid., p. 165.
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• Ibid., p. 166.
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• Ibid.
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• Lukács (1983) op. cit., p. 90.
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• ‘If the government builds people houses and the people have better houses than us, they will begin to undermine us'; . Weekly Mail , 7–7–1995 Marx (1977) op. cit., p. 149n. Not all hereditary rulers fail to comprehend the relational aspect of their position. One South African chief expressed his opposition to a government programme to improve low‐income housing saying,
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• Thus, as the 1996 local government elections got underway in KwaZulu/Natal, voter education workers and ANC organisers were frequently denied access to rural communities or attacked on arrival. The explanation commonly given was that they had failed to obtain the chief's permission to be there or to conduct political activities. Many such cases were communicated to the author personally. For some documented cases see Human Rights Committee of South Africa ( 1996 ) Human Rights Report , February , p. 16 Sunday Tribune, 25–2–1996; Business Day, 16–4–1996; Mercury, 22–5–1996.
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• Reader , D.H. 1966 . Zulu Tribe in Transition , 253 Manchester : Manchester University Press .
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• RSA: House of Assembly Debates, 14 November 1994, cl.4237.
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