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Imago Mundi
The International Journal for the History of Cartography
Volume 40, 1988 - Issue 1
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Original Articles

Silences and secrecy: The hidden agenda of cartography in early modern Europe

J. B. Harley Professor of Geography, and Director of the Office for Map History, University of Wisconsin, Milwaukee
Pages 57-76 | Published online: 29 Jul 2008

References

  • Harley J. B., The map as ideology forthcoming.
  • Gould , Peter . 1985 . The geographer at work 162 – 63 . 211 – 13 . London An interesting variant of modern censorship is provided by remote sensing from satellites. The resolution of the instruments used for military intelligence is now so extraordinarily fine that satellites for civilian use (LANDSAT I launched in 1972, and LANDSAT V in 1984) have their imagery deliberately degraded; see:
  • Broad , William J. 1988 . ‘U.S. ends curb on photographs from satellites’ . The New York Times , 21 January
  • Akerman , James R. and Buisseret , David . 1985 . Monarchs, ministers, and maps: A cartographic exhibit at the Newberry Library , Chicago : Newberry Library . For an indication of the importance of this theme see
  • Mazzeo , Joseph Anthony . 1964 . Renaissance and seventeenth‐century studies 148 New York
  • Hulme , Peter . 1986 . Colonial encounters: Europe and the Native Caribbean, 1492–1797 2 London The word discourse has so many interpretations in linguistic and literary studies that it is necessary to define it here. I take the sense nearest to my own from
  • Foucault , Michel . 1972 . The archaeology of knowledge and the discourse on language Edited by: Sheridan Smith , A. M. New York where he writes of ‘colonial discourse, meaning by that term an ensemble of linguistically‐based practices unified by their common deployment in the management of colonial relationships.’ I am also concerned with how ‘linguistically‐based practices,’ broadly defined as both verbal and non‐verbal language and systems of graphic representation including maps, have been used as political instruments. The sense is, therefore, also that of who is concerned with discourse as a social practice with a set of meanings and effects that can be determined within particular historical societies.
  • Woodward , David . 1974 . ‘The study of the history of cartography: A suggested framework,’ . American Cartographer , 1 : 101 – 15 . Silences can be detected, for example, in most of the technical stages of map production modelled by
  • Wilkinson , H. R. 1951 . Maps and politics. A review of the ethnographic cartography of Macedonia 314 – 323 . Liverpool While he did not specify silences, an excellent discussion of the difficulty of assigning the nuances of cartographic representation to particular cultural or technical causes is given by
  • Dauenhauer's , Bernard P. 1980 . Silence: The phenomenon and its ontological significance , Bloomington : Indiana University Press . to be particularly helpful; see also
  • Picard , Max . 1952 . The world of silence Edited by: Godman , Stanley . Chicago I owe these references to Dr. Walter Mignolo of the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor
  • Dauenhauer, op. cit. 23 (n. 8).
  • Ibid. 4.
  • Ihde , Don . 1977 . Experimental phenomenology 68 129 New York
  • Iser , Wolfgang . 1980 . “ ‘The reading process: A phenomenological approach,’ ” . In Reader‐response criticism. From formalism to post‐structuralism Edited by: Tompkins , Jane P. 50 – 51 . Baltimore The ‘reader‐response’ to maps in historical contexts has been neglected: for its place in literary studies see
  • Sterne , Laurence . 1940 . The life and opinions of Tristram Shandy, Gentleman Edited by: Work , James Aiken . 470 New York The extent to which silences in maps may have stimulated their readers’ participation is worth pursuing. While early map‐makers—unlike Laurence Sterne in Tristram Shandy where the reader is invited to add to the story on a provided blank page (see —may not have generally envisaged such participation, it is possible to investigate its historical effects in the social construction of terrae incognitae. I owe the references in this note to Dr. Richard Eversole
  • Swift , Jonathan . 1733 . On poetry: a rhapsody 12 London The negative—even derisory—attitude towards blank spaces on maps was already well established by the eighteenth century most famously in
  • Skelton , R. A. 1965 . Looking at an early map 3 Lawrence, Kansas in his well‐known lines beginning ‘So geographers in Afric‐maps ...’ For a modern continuation see Lewis Carroll, ‘Bellman's map’, The hunting of the snark quoted
  • Dauenhauer, op. cit. 4 (n. 8).
  • Basso , K. H. 1972 . “ ‘"To give up on words”: silence in Western Apache culture,’ ” . In Language and social context: Selected readings Edited by: Paolo Giglioli , Pier . 67 – 86 . London Recent anthropological research, revealing different cultural and contextual interpretations given to silence in speech patterns, can serve as a preliminary warning about the danger of over‐generalizing about the silences in maps. See, for example,
  • Coates , Jennifer . 1986 . Women, men and language: A sociolinguistic account of sex differences in language 33 – 34 . London For a sociolinguistic example see: 1 owe these references to Dr. Michael Mikos.
  • Harley , J. B. 1988 . “ ‘Maps, knowledge and power,’ ” . In The iconography of landscape Edited by: Cosgrove , D. and Daniels , S. J. 277 – 312 . Cambridge For an earlier step see
  • Merquior , J. G. 1985 . Foucault Berkeley, California Among Foucault's commentators and critics I have found to be particularly helpful for this paper
  • Poster , Mark . 1984 . Foucault, Marxism and history: Mode of production versus mode of information Cambridge
  • Foucault , Michel . 1977 . Discipline and punish: the birth of the prison Edited by: Sheridan , Alan . 27 New York
  • Foucault , Michel . 1980 . Power knowledge: Selected interviews and other writings 1972–1977 Edited by: Gordon , Colin , Gordon , Colin , Marshall , Leo , Mepham , John and Sopher , Kate . 74 – 75 . New York during the interview “Questions on Geography”
  • Foucault, op. cit. 216(n. 5).
  • ‘Discourse’ here being a word for thought and knowledge as a social practice: Merquior, op. cit. 18 (n. 17).
  • Foucault , Michel . 1970 . The order of things: An archaeology of the human sciences Edited by: Sheridan‐Smith , Alan . New York Preface.
  • 23. Ibid. xxii, Foucault also argues that the episteme ’defines the mode of being of the objects that appear in that field, provides man's everyday perception with theoretical powers, and defines the conditions in which he can sustain a discourse about things that is recognized to be true.’
  • Ibid. xxii.
  • Patterson , Annabel . 1984 . Censorship and interpretation. The conditions of writing and reading in early modern England Madison For literary parallels to cartographic censorship, which help us to view its practice as taken for granted rather than exceptional in early modern Europe, see:
  • Needham , Joseph and Ling , Wang . 1959 . Science and civilization in China vol. 3, Mathematics and the sciences of the heavens and the earth 193 Cambridge
  • Harley , J. B. and Woodward , David , eds. 1987 . The history of cartography vol. I, Cartography in prehistoric, ancient, and medieval Europe and the Mediterranean 254 Chicago
  • Davenport , William . 1967 . ‘Marshall Islands navigational charts,’ . Imago Mundi , 15 : 19 – 26 .
  • Foucault . Discipline and Punish , 18 it was also a ‘technology of power’ closely enmeshed with the will to dominate in both domestic and overseas spheres. See also Akerman and Buisseret, op. cit., passim for examples of an increasing use of maps by the emergent states as tools of government
  • Mukerji , Chandra . 1984 . ‘Visual language in science and the exercise of power: the case of cartography in early modern Europe,’ . Studies in visual communication , 10 ( 3 ) : 30 – 45 .
  • Sack , Robert David . 1986 . Human territoriality: its theory and history Cambridge
  • Mann , Michael . 1986 . The sources of social power vol. 1, A history of power from the beginning to A.D. 1760 8 Cambridge where he distinguishes between ‘authoritative power,’ which ‘comprises definite commands and conscious obedience’ and ‘diffused power’ which ‘spreads in a more spontaneous, unconscious, decentered way ... not explicitly commanded.’ My intentional and unintentional silences in maps can be allocated to this broad distinction
  • Spence , Jonathan D. 1984 . The memory palace of Matteo Ricci 97 London
  • Jordan , W. K. 26 December 1966 . The chronicle and political papers of King Edward VI 26 December , 97 London For example, in England, the crown had fully grasped the strategic importance of maps by the mid‐sixteenth century. In 1551, for example, a chance visit to Portsmouth by a French ambassador en route for Scotland, in the company of an engineer/map‐maker, was sufficient to alarm the English authorities into ordering the re‐fortification of its castle
  • Rothrock , George A. 1987 . ‘Maps and models in the reign of Louis XIV,’ . Proceedings of the annual meeting of the Western Society for French History , 14 : 50 I owe this reference to Peter Barber. In France, the models in the Musee des Plans‐Reliefs first constructed after 1668 for Louis XIV, were kept locked away in the Great Gallery of the Louvre and ‘few visitors were allowed to see them because examination by a potential enemy could have threatened military security’:
  • Konvitz , Josef W. 1987 . Cartography in France 1660–1848: Science, engineering, and statecraft 93 Chicago The same was true of other maps prepared for military purposes. Geoffrey Parker cites the case of the Duke of Alva who had a map of the Franche‐Comte made for his pioneer march of 1567 but this was so accurate that he delayed its publication for a decade. See:
  • Parker , Geoffrey . 1972 . The army of Flanders and the Spanish Road 1567–1659. The logistics of Spanish victory and defeat in the Low Countries’ Wars 83 Cambridge
  • Keuning , Johannes . 1953 . ‘Isaac Massa, 1586–1643,’ . Imago Mundi , 10 : 66 – 67 .
  • Bagrow , Leo . 1975 . A history of Russian cartography up to 1800 , Edited by: Castner , Henry W. 51 Ontario : Wolfe Island .
  • Bagrow, op. cit. 4–7, (n. 32).
  • Jager , Eckhard . 1982 . Prussia‐Karten 1542–1810. Geschichte der Kartographischen Darstellung Ostpreussens vom 16. bis zum 19, Jahrhundert. Entstehung der Karten‐Kosten‐Vertrieb. Bibliographischer Katalog 168 – 71 . Weissenhorn
  • Valerio , Vladimiro . 1982 . ‘The Neapolitan Saxton and his survey of the Kingdom of Naples,’ . The Map Collector , 18 : 14 – 17 . The survey, intended to be produced as an atlas, remained unpublished because it was perceived as a threat to both the interests of Spain and the security of the Kingdom
  • Akerman and Buisseret, op. cit. 9 (n. 3), although this is debated.
  • Imhof , Eduard . 1982 . Cartographic relief presentation Edited by: Steward , H. J. 7 Berlin, New York
  • Skelton , R. A. 1974 . Saxton's survey of England and Wales. With a facsimile of Saxton's wall‐map of 1583 15 – 18 . Amsterdam
  • Lambarde , William . 1596 . A perambulation of Kent , : 69 William Lambarde, the sixteenth‐century English historian, for example, had encountered opposition to the publication of a map of beacons in Kent, See: where he wrote ‘And now, if any man shall thinke that this laying open of the Beacons, is a point not meete to bee made publike: I pray him to give me leave to dissent in that opinion from him. For, as the profit to the Realme and subiect is manifest, in that it speedeth the service, where speed is the most profitable: so there is no secret hereby disclosed, whereof the enimie may take advantage.’
  • Helgerson , R. 1986 . ‘The land speaks: Cartography, chorography, and subversion in Renaissance England,’ . Representations , 16 : 51 – 85 .
  • Morgan , Victor . 1980 . ‘Lasting image of the Elizabethan era,’ . The Geographical Magazine , 52 : 401 – 08 .
  • Helgerson, op. cit. 81. (n. 40).
  • Wallerstein , Immanuel . 1974 . The modern world‐system I Capitalist agriculture and the origins of the European world‐economy in the sixteenth century New York Ibid.
  • 1980 . The modern world‐system II Mercantilism and the consolidation of the European world economy, 1600–1750 New York
  • Cortesão , Jaime . 1937 . ‘The pre‐Columbian discovery of America,’ . The Geographical Journal , 89 : 29 – 42 .
  • Mukerji , Chandra . 1983 . From graven images: Patterns of modern materialism 91 New York
  • Taylor , E. G. R. 1955 . ‘John Dee and the map of North‐East Asia,’ . Imago Mundi , 12 : 103 See, for example, Richard Eden's statement in the mid‐sixteenth century: ‘As touching these trades and voyages, as in manner of all the sciences, there are certain secrets not to be published and made common to all men.’ Quoted by
  • Best , George . 1578 . A true discourse of the late voyage of discoverie, for finding a passage to Cathaya, under M. Frobisher, General London
  • Hakluyt , Richard . 1965 . “ ‘very large and most exact terrestriall Globe, collected and reformed according to the newest, secretest, and latest dis‐coueries, both Spanish, Portugall, and English’ ” . In The principal navigations voiages and discoveries of the English nation. A photo‐lithographic facsimile with an introduction by David Beers Quinn and Raleigh Ashlin Skelton and with a New Index by Alison Quinn imprinted at London, 1589 xlviii – xlix . Cambridge who refers to a forthcoming
  • Wallis , Helen . 1984 . “ ‘The cartography of Drake's voyage,’ ” . In Sir Francis Drake and the famous voyage, 1577–1580. Essays commemorating the quadricentennial of Drake's circumnavigation of the Earth Edited by: Thrower , Norman J. W. 121 – 163 . Berkeley, California
  • Diffie , Bailey W. 1969 . ‘Foreigners in Portugal and the “Policy of Silence” . Terrae incongnitae , 1 : 23 – 34 .
  • Cortesão , Armando . 1969–71 . History of Portuguese Cartography 2 vols , 76 116 – 18 . Coimbra II
  • Wallis , Helen , ed. 1981 . The maps and text of the Boke of idography presented by Jean Rotz to Henry VIII now in the British Library 40 Oxford
  • Cortesão . ‘The pre‐Columbian discovery of America,’ . 31 ( 44 )
  • Kimble , George H. 1933 . ‘Portuguese policy and its influence on fifteenth century cartography,’ . Geographical Review , 23 : 653 – 59 .
  • Teixeira da Mota , A. 1976 . ‘Some notes on the organization of hydrographical services in Portugal before the beginning of the nineteenth century,’ . Imago Mundi , 28 : 51 – 60 .
  • Ibid. 53–54.
  • Stevenson , Edward L. 1927 . ‘The geographical activities of the Casa de la Contratación . Annals of the Association of American Geographers , 17 : 39 – 59 .
  • Parry , J. H. 1966 . The Spanish seaborn empire 54 – 58 . London
  • Stevenson, op. cit. 41 (n. 53).
  • Ibid. 42.
  • Destombes , Marcel . 1941 . Cartes Hollandaises: La cartographie de le compagnie des Indes orientales, 1593–1743 5 Saigon
  • Schilder , Gunter . 1976 . ‘Organization and evolution of the Dutch East India Company's Hydrographic Office in the seventeenth century,’ . Imago Mundi , 28 : 61 – 78 .
  • Wieder , F. C. 1933 . Monumenta Cartographica Vol. V , 145 – 95 . The Hague 59.1 owe this point to Professor David B. Quinn: on the so‐called ‘Secret atlas of the East India Company’ see:
  • Campbell , Tony . 1976 . ‘A descriptive census of Willem Blaeu's sixty‐eight centimetre globes,’ . Imago Mundi , 28 : 21 – 50 . 27
  • Crone , G. R. and Skelton , R. A. 1946 . “ ‘Collections of voyages and travels, 1625–1846,’ ” . In Richard Hakluyt and his successors , Edited by: Lynam , E. 65 – 140 . 67 London : Hakluyt Society .
  • Moodie , D. W. 1976 . ‘Science and reality. Arthur Dobbs and the eighteenth‐century geography of Rupert's Land,’ . Journal of Historical Geography , 2 : 293 – 309 .
  • Williams , Glyndwr . 1970 . ‘The Hudson's Bay Company and its critics in the eighteenth century,’ . Transactions of the Royal Historical Society , 20 : 150 – 51 . 5th Series
  • Ruggles , R. I. 1978 . ‘Governor Samuel Wegg: intelligent layman of the Royal Society,’ . Notes and Records of the Royal Society of London , 32 : 181 – 99 .
  • Williams, op. cit. (n. 61).
  • 64.1 owe this point to Professor David B. Quinn.
  • Cortesão , Armando . 1935 . Cartografia e Cartógrafos Portugueses dos séculos XV et XVI , Vol. I , 142 – 44 . Lisbon : Edição da “Seara Nova . describes the acquisition of the Cantino map by the Duke of Ferrara. Alberto Cantino was sent to Lisbon under cover to obtain information on the progress of the Portuguese discoveries. In 1502, a letter from Cantino to the Duke states that he had bribed a Portuguese map‐maker, probably one connected to the Casa da India with twelve gold ducados to copy a map, probably the official padrão. Cantino left Lisbon with the planisphere at the end of October 1502, and through the intermediary of Francesco Cataneo, the duke had the map in his library by December. I owe this reference to Kevin Kaufman
  • Skelton , R. A. 1963 . ‘Raleigh as a geographer,’ . Virginia Magazine of History and Biography , 71 : 131 – 49 .
  • Lamb , Ursula . 1969 . ‘Science by litigation: A cosmographic feud,’ . Terrae incognitae , 1 : 40 – 57 .
  • Mann , Michael . Sources of social power , 8 ( 29 ) Following the distinction of
  • Foucault , Michel . 1968 . ‘Résponse au cercle d'épistémologie,’ . Cahiers pour l ‘analyse , 9 Summer quoted by Merquior, op. cit. 81 (n. 17)
  • Foucault . Archaeology , 153–4 ( 5 ) for a fuller discussion of the concept of the episteme as it relates to social constraints on the creation of knowledge
  • Merquior, op. cit. 46 (n. 17); these two characteristics comprise what Foucault termed the ‘classical episteme.‘
  • Campbell , E. M. J. 1952 . “ ‘The development of the characteristic sheet, 1533–1822,’ ” . In Proceedings of the VII General Assembly—XVIIth Congress—of the International Geographical Union 426 – 30 . Washington The appearance of the characteristic sheet on maps offers a diagnostic criterion for the formalization of this taxonomic tendency: see
  • Smith , Catherine Delano . 1985 . ‘Cartographic signs on European maps and their explanation before 1700,’ . Imago Mundi , 37 : 9 – 29 . For other aspects of the early history of adoption of this device see
  • These are, in effect, the assumptions of ‘normal science’ and they represent an important epistemological thread in the development of cartography.
  • Crone , Gerald R. 1953 . Maps and their makers: An introduction to the history of cartography , 1st ed. xi London For an earlier statement of this view Crone writes that ‘the history of cartography is largely that of the increase in the accuracy with which . . . elements of distance and direction are determined and . . . the comprehensiveness of the map content.’ That the interpretation persists is demonstrated, for example, by the Foreword by Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie to Konvitz, op. cit. xi‐xiv, where he writes in terms of concepts such as ‘enormous progress,’ ‘Realistic understanding of space,’ ‘perfection of terrestrial concepts’ and concludes that ‘The progress of French cartography at the time of the Enlightenment was linked to collaborations between state and science’ yet without, in the main, pursuing the ideological implications of the state interest in mapping
  • See Campbell, E. M. J. Figure 2, (n. 72).
  • Ong , Walter J. 1982 . Orality and literacy: The technologizing of the word 117 – 23 . London For the effects of print culture on social thought with relevance to the argument in this paper see:
  • Sack . Human territoriality , 131 ( 28 ) Foucault sees this as inherent in the process of graphic representation: see Merquior, op. cit. 46–47 (n. 17); makes the same point in his discussion of ‘abstract metrical territorial definition of social relationships’, imposed through maps.
  • Foucault . The order of things , 168 ( 22 ) In relation to the concept of a ‘normal science’ episteme a weakness of Foucault's formulation is that he insists that ‘in any given culture and at any given moment, there is always only one episteme that defines the conditions of possibility of all knowledge’:
  • Baxendall , Michael . 1972 . Painting and experience in fifteenth century Italy: A primer in the social history of pictorial style Oxford For an understanding of patronage in the history of cartography in early modern Europe there is much to be derived from He writes (p. 1):'A fifteenth‐century painting is the deposit of a social relationship. On one side there was a painter who made the picture, or at least supervised its making. On the other side there was somebody else who asked him to make it, provided funds for him to make it and, after he had made it, reckoned on using it in some way or other. Both parties worked within institutions and conventions—commercial, religious, perceptual, in the widest sense social—that were different from ours and influenced the forms of what they together made.’
  • Ormeling , F. J. 1983 . Minority to ponyms on maps: The rendering of linguistic minority toponyms on topographic maps of Western Europe Utrecht By the nineteenth century the place‐names associated with linguistic minorities in many European states were being deliberately suppressed but the origins of such policies as an agent of statecraft still have to be described in the history of cartography: see
  • Todorov , Tzvetan . 1984 . The conquest of America: The question of the other Edited by: Howard , Richard . New York is a revisionist essay with important ideological pointers to the way we view the silences of the New World cartography of the ‘Discoveries’ period
  • Four styles of cross are used to identify ecclesiastical rank. The smallest category of civil settlement is identified by a plain dot while other settlements are shown by pictorial signs. These are not clearly distinguished but range from small to large.
  • Delano Smith , Catherine . 1987 . ‘Maps in bibles in the sixteenth century’ . The Map Collector , 39 : 2 – 14 . For a discussion of the impact of Reformist issues upon the content of maps of the Holy Land, see
  • Nebenzahl , Kenneth . 1986 . Maps of the Holy Land: Images of Terra Sancta through two millenia 70 – 133 . New York
  • Woodward , David , Harley , J. B. and Woodward , David , eds. 1987 . “ ‘Medieval mappae‐mundi,’ ” . In The history of cartography vol. 1 , 286 – 370 . Chicago For an analysis of the religious content in mappae‐mundi see
  • For example, N. Claudianus’ map of Bohemia (1518) may have been prepared for the purpose of showing the distribution and status of Papal and Hussite adherents, since so little topographical information is included; P. de la Beke's map of Flanders (1538), stronghold of Protestanism, concentrates on categories of religious institutions; C. Radziwiłł's map of Lithuania (1613) for its part distinguishes Orthodox from Roman bishops.
  • Suggestive of such a silence of religous conviction is provided by John Norden, the late‐sixteenth and early‐seventeenth century English map‐maker. Norden was anti‐Catholic and on only one of his county maps, Middlesex (1593), does he show ‘bishop's sees’ and then with a curious star‐like sign rather than a cross (a papal symbol abhorred by some protestants). On the other hand, his unusual inclusion of chapels of ease on most of his other maps can be attributed to his deep interest in ecclesiastical matters. I owe this example to Catherine Delano Smith.
  • Katzir , Yael . 1986 . “ ‘The conquests of Jerusalem, 1099 and 1178: historical memory and religious typology,’ ” . In The meeting of two worlds: cultural exchange between East and West during the period of the Crusades Edited by: Goss , Vladimir P. and Bornstein , Christine Verzar . 103 – 131 . Kalamazoo, Michigan Again further contextual research is needed to establish whether we can regard these silences as an action prophesying the ultimate triumph of Christendom or merely a failure to update old images and texts. On the persistence of an old topography of the Holy Land and its meaning see: for the continuing consequences of the mental set of the crusaders in Holy Land cartography, see Nebenzahl, op. cit., passim (note 83).
  • Kupperman , Karen Ordahl . 1980 . Settling with the Indians. The meeting of English and Indian cultures in America, 1580–1640 , 3 Totowa : New Jersey . This may have been an indirect expression of the sumptuary laws which regulated how the members of some European social groups should dress. In the case of England and her colonies it has been suggested that the purpose of these laws was ‘that no one would be able to slip over into a status to which he did not belong’: see:
  • Braudel , Fernand . 1981 . Civilization and capitalism 15th‐18th century vol. 1. The structures of everyday life: The limits of the possible Edited by: Williams , Sian . 311 – 33 . London Fora wider discussion of the social significance of dress codes in early modern Europe see
  • Kupperman, op. cit. 2 (n. 88).
  • Verner , Coolie . 1950 . ‘The first maps of Virginia, 1590–1673,’ . The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography , 58 : 3 – 15 . Key in north‐east corner of John Smith's ‘Virginia,’ 1612. For a detailed description of this influential map and its various printed states see
  • De Vorsey , Louis Jr. 1986 . ‘Maps in colonial promotion: James Edward Oglethorpe's use of maps in “selling” the Georgia Scheme,’ . Imago Mundi , 38 : 35 – 45 . For a somewhat later example of the deliberate use of maps in this way see
  • Schwartz , Seymour I. and Ehrenberg , Ralph E. 1980 . The mapping of America 84 – 109 . New York Chapter 4, ‘Permanent colonization reflected on maps: 1600–1650,’
  • Kupperman, op. cit. 33 (n. 88).
  • Ibid. 1.
  • Reinhartz , Dennis and Colley , Charles C. , eds. 1987 . The mapping of the American Southwest , 67 Texas : College Station . This silence, like others, cannot be regarded as an historical constant. By the nineteenth century it has been pointed out that even popular maps were showing the location of Indian tribes in the American West and Southwest. This ‘probably confirmed in the reader's mind an image of the . . . [region] as a place heavily peopled by hostile Indians’:
  • Kolata , Gina . 1978 . ‘Are the horrors of cannibalism fact—or fiction,’ . Smithsonian , 17 ( 12 ) : 150 – 170 . For a discussion relevant to the depictions of scenes of cannibalism on early manuscript and printed maps of the New World see
  • Arens , William . 1979 . The man‐eating myth New York
  • Helgerson, op. cit. 81 (note 40).
  • Monmonier , M. S. 1982 . ‘Cartography, geographic information, and public policy,’ . Journal of Geography in Higher Education , 6 ( 2 ) : 99 – 107 .
  • The notion of the ‘unthought’ (impensé) is that of Foucault.
  • Wood , Denis and Fels , John . 1986 . ‘Designs on signs: Myth and meaning in maps,’ . Cartographica , 23 ( 3 ) : 54 – 103 . In the cartographic literature see, notably, the two recent essays by Wood, see:
  • Wood , Denis . “ ‘Pleasure in the idea: The atlas as narrative form,’ ” . In Atlases for schools: Design principles and curriculum perspectives , Cartographica Edited by: Carswell , R. J. B. , de Leeuw , A. J. A. and Waters , N. M. Vol. 24 , 24 – 45 . no. 1 1987, Monograph 36
  • Helgerson, op. cit. n. 40, is an example of how ‘The new historicism’ in literary studies has brought maps within its purview as an aspect of representation; it is taken for granted that the map would be read as any other text: I owe this point to Dr. Richard Eversole of the University of Kansas at Lawrence.
  • Muehrcke , Phillip C. 1978 . Map use. Reading, analysis, and interpretation 103 Madison Foucault, Archaeology Chapter 6, ‘Science and Knowledge,’ 178–195 (note 5), refuses to make a distinction between ‘science’ and ‘ideology.’ This places him apart from traditional marxism in which ‘science’ and ‘ideology’ have always been regarded as separate categories of knowledge. It is this latter position, derived from positivist science, which has established itself within cartography (and the history of cartography), and is reflected, for example, in the assumed major cleavage between ‘propaganda maps’ and ‘truth maps.’ For similar conclusions about the artificiality of this divide, taking examples from present‐day maps, see
  • Axelsen , Bj⊘rn and Jones , Michael . 1987 . ‘Are all maps mental maps?’ . Geo Journal , 14 ( 4 ) : 447 – 64 .
  • Wood , Denis . 1973 . don't want to, but I will. The genesis of geographic knowledge: A real‐time developmental study of adolescent images of novel environments Worcester, Mass. passim.
  • Mann, Michael, op. cit. 524–25 (n. 29). While he does not mention cartography specifically it is clearly part of ‘the infrastructure available to power holders’ and is among ‘the social inventions that have crucially increased power capacities.’
  • The notion of ‘truth effects’ is that of Foucault.

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