The First Owner of the Canberra Rubens, Nicholas-Claude Fabri De Peiresc (1580–1637) and his Picture Collection

NOTES

• M. Rooses, Ch. Ruelens, Correspondance de Rubens, Antwerp 1887–1909 (hereafter R.R.), IV, p. 414, DL, 19 May 1628, Peiresc (Aix) to Rubens. Rubens thought his portrait was despatched with his now lost letter of 24 August 1628: R.R. IV, p. 456, letter to accompany Rubens's portrait, referred to by Peiresc to Pierre Dupuy, 19 December 1628. For Peiresc see J. Ferrier, Les Fioretti du Quadricentenaire de Fabri de Peiresc, Avignon 1981, and J. Hellin, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc 1580–1637, Brussels 1980, with an extensive bibliography.
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• The reconstruction of Peiresc's picture gallery has been an elusive quest. See P. Tamizey de Larroque, Lettres de Peiresc, VII, Lettres de Peiresc à divers (1602–1637), Paris 1898 (hereafter TdL), VII, p. 919, where the author indicates his never-realized intention to produce ‘Les portraits des hommes célèbres du Cabinet de Peiresc’; R. Lebègue, Les Correspondants de Peiresc dans les anciens Pays-Bas, Brussels 1943, pp. 13–19, 36–39, summarizes Peiresc's relationship with Flemish artists without giving his sources; P.J. Von Thiel, ‘La Collection de portraits réunie par Peiresc à propos d'un portrait de Jean Barclay conservé a Amsterdam’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, LXV, 1965, pp. 341–354 publishes an inventory listing fifteen of Peiresc's larger, and sixteen small (engraved?), portraits at Aix, and cites a further seventeen portraits referred to in the published correspondence. The attached appendix list brings the total to over eighty portraits by simply recording those which can now be documented from predominantly published sources.
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• Oil on canvas. 83.0 × 60.0 cm. Acquired by the Australian National Gallery in 1983.
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• R.R. V, p. 29, DLXXII, 22 April 1629. Rubens (Madrid) to Pierre Dupuy. R. Magurn, The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens, Cambridge, Mass. 1955 (hereafter Magurn), p.297, letter No. 184.
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• Mi rallegro d'intender la sua salute e quella del suo sig. fratello si come ancora che il sig. Peiresco si porta bene et si ricorda de me che veramente merito per la mia devotione verso S. sig. desser mantenuto vivo nella sua memoria, tanto più che me ha costretto quasi per forza espugnando la mia ingenuita a dargli per oggetto un mio ritratto che spero avera ricevuto poiché il mandai per via sicura qualq. tempo inanci la mia partenza di Fiandra.
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• Compare the wording of Peiresc's letter to John Barclay of 4 November 1620, TdL, VII, p.437, CLXXXIII, requesting Barclay's portrait, which foreshadows the sentiments expressed in Rubens's response.
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• R.R., III, p. 320, CCCLXVII, 10 January 1625, Rubens to Peiresc's brother Valavez:
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• Ne me sembloit pas convenable d'envoyer mon pourtraict à un prince de telle qualité mais il forza ma modestie.
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• On 1 June 1618, on completion of an exchange of his paintings for Sir Dudley Carlton's antiquities, Rubens agreed to an exchange of portraits which did not materialise, R.R., II, p. 181, CLXXIX:
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• … mi da e tanto gratiosa et onorevole chio la stimo per summo favore di maniera ch'io molto voluntieri mandare a V. E. il mio ritratto mentre chella vicendevolmente si contenti di farmi l'onore chio possa havere in casa una memoria della sua persona…
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• The Pontius print accurately mimics the different treatment of the moustache and collar in the Canberra picture, especially in its proof states, recalling Ruben's characteristic canvas technique. See M. Jaffé, ‘Rubens to Himself: The portraits sent to Charles I and N-C. Fabri de Peiresc’, Rubens e Firenze, ed. M. Gregori, Florence 1983, pp. 19–32. D. Jaffé, ‘Rubens and Australia’, Art and Australia, 21, 3, 1984, pp. 396–373, and D. Jaffé, ‘Rubens's paintings for Peiresc’, Bulletin de l'Académie du Var, 153, 1895, pp. 215–219.
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• Sir Roy Strong kindly informed me that Henry, Prince of Wales, received a complete set of the Medici ‘famous men’ collection in 1611. The Stuart Court's request for a portrait may therefore have been deliberate. Strong's forthcoming book, Henry Prince of Wales and England's lost heritage, London 1986, will discuss the portrait gift.
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• For Vosterman's engraving after Van Dyck, see J. Hellin, op.cit., p. 34, fig. 11, and p. 32, fig. 10, for the Aix painting, and p. 38, fig. 17, for Mellan's 1637 engraving. Peiresc's features are probably best recorded in Claude Mellan's black chalk drawing in Leningrad (20.0 × 14.8 cm), inv. 4635: illustrated in B. Brejon de Lavergnée, ‘Portraits dessins de Claude Mellan conservés au Musée de L'Ermitage’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, CV, 1985, pp. 15–28, p. 20, No. 6. An unpublished painting of Peiresc holding a medal is so identified in L. Burchard's de Vries photo archive at the Nationaal Centrum voor de Plastische Künsten, Antwerp. The painting is annotated by Burchard as being in the Kuh collection—presumably Dr Paul von Kuh-Chrobak.
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• P. Gassendi, The Mirrour of true Nobility and Gentility Being the Life of N. C. Fabricius, London 1657 (hereafter Gassendi), Bk VI, p. 159, describes Peiresc's hair and eyes. See also M. H. Guillibert, Essai sur l'iconographie de Peiresc, Aix 1894.
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• Jean-Jacques Bouchard gives a description of Peiresc in 1630:
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• Et Mr de Peiresc est l'aisné de la famille, ayant environ 53 ans; il est de stature haute et menue; le visage long et mélancoliq, le poil chastain clair; fort posé et respectueux en sa conversation, mais qui a la mine de se faire fort respecter dans la maison, ayant un certain air imperieus. Ses discours sont libres et gays sans beaucoup de scrupule, quoy qu'il face dire tous les jours la messe en sa chambre… Son principal exercice sont les livres; et les lettres qu'il faut qu'il escrive continuellement:…
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• Tamizey de Larroque, Les Correspondants de Peiresc, III, Jean-Jacques Bouchard, Paris 1881, p. 182.
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• Gassendi, op.cit., Rand's preface. Epistle dedicatory iii, iv.
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• For the interest in William Harvey's experiments with the circulation of blood, Exercitalio anatomica de motu cordis et sanguinis in animalibus, published in 1628, see Tamizey de Larroque, Les Correspondants de Peiresc, XXI. Jean et Pierre Bourdelot, Paris 1897, p. 9, 12 October 1624, and Gassendi, Bk IV, p. 28, where Peiresc's discovery of the cholidochus of the liver is also noted. TdL, II, p.156, XXXIII, 11 August 1629, and TdL. II, p. 217, XLII. 17 January 1630, Peiresc to Dupuy, which describes Peiresc's dissection of a hanged man to verify Harvey's discovery.
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• Gassendi, Bk IV, p. 60. Peiresc obtained the casts by feeding the beast sweetmeats. He disproved Pliny's claim that there were only four teeth. It took over sixty cannon balls to weigh the elephant.
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• On 17 October 1618 Peiresc wrote to Pignoria that
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• ai è stampato il Diario in lingua francese ad Amsterdam del Viaggio di Guill. Schooten, hollandese, che ha scoperto un grandissimo mare di là dello stretto magellanico in luogo di quelle immense terre australi tanto celebrate.
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• Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine (hereafter Carpentras) Ms. 1875, f.354, cited C. Rizza, Peiresc e l'Italia, Turin 1965 (hereafter Rizza), p. 55. Rubens spoke of Australia to Dupuy on 19 June 1629: see Magurn p. 272.
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• The Giraffe has an inscription and a Constantinople memo, suggesting it may have come through one of Peiresc's Middle-East agents, Carpentras, Ms.1821, f.14. For the king crab Cancer moluccensù or moluccanus see O. Worm, Museum Wormianum, 1655, pl. 249, ibid., f9. The Pre-Columbian Arawak chair from Santa Domingo is illustrated in H. Dubled, Nicolas-Claude Fabri de Peiresc (1580–1637) humaniste et savant, sa famille et ses amis, Exposition Carpentras, Bibliothèque Inguimbertine, 27 June—31 August 1981, between p. 31, 32, Carpentras, Ms.1821, f.21. Robert Bleakly kindly identified the chair.
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• Professor Antoine Schnapper kindly informed me that tulips are mentioned in Richer de Belleval's 1598 catalogue of the Montpellier Botanical Gardens, so although Gassendi's information is always accurate his claims for primacy are less precise.
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• See S.L. Chapin, ‘The Astronomical Activities of Nicolas Claude Fabri de Peiresc’, Isis, 48, 1957, pp. 13–29, for an impressive account of Peiresc's accuracy in his quest for determining longitude, latitude and an independent astral clock, his discovery of the visibility of stars in daylight, and his making of a lunar atlas.
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• D. Bern, A Long-Lost Letter of Galileo to Peiresc on a Magnetic Clock, Newark 1967, p. 202.
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• TdL, V, p. 406/7, XLIII, 2 June 1633, Peiresc to Holstenius:
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• Nous avons bien plaint le pauvre Galilée que l'on nous a voulu dire estre debtenu prisonnier au prejudice de bons et valables sauf conduits et des declarations reiterées qu'il avoit faictes aux officiers du Saint Office, de ne vouloir escrire que ce qu'ils auraient approuv, comme ils l'avoient faict… Je pense que cez peres peuvent aller à bonne fov, mais ils auront de la peine à le persuader au monde…
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• H. Trevor-Roper, ‘The Baroque Century’, The Age of Expansion: Europe and the World 1559–1669, ed. H. Trevor-Roper, London 1968, p. 34.
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• For Peiresc's work on Samaritan manuscripts for the polyglot Bible, see J.G. Fraser, A’ Check List of Samaritan Manuscripts Known to have Entered Europe before A.D. 1700’, Abr-Nahrain, XXI, 1982/3, pp. 10–27; and J. G. Fraser ‘A Prelude to the Samaritan Pentateuch Texts of the Paris Polyglot Bible’, A Word in Season, Essays in Honour of William McKane, Sheffield 1986, pp. 223–247. Dr Fraser has generously guided me through Peiresc studies. For an introduction to Peiresc's collecting of antiquities, see A. Bresson, ‘Peiresc et le commerce des antiquités à Rome’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts. LXXXV, 1975, pp. 61–72.
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• E. Peck, Peiresc Manuscripts Aiding Reconstruction of Lost Medieval Monuments, Doctoral diss., Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. 1963, pp. 153–154 for Peiresc's efforts to reproduce the fifth-century Greek Cotton Genesis.
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• Magurn, p. 109, letter 62, Rubens to Peiresc, Paris, 13 May 1625, translating R.R., III, p. 353, CCCLXXIV:
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• Mostrò ancora S.M. d'haver ogni sodisfattione delle nostre pitture, come mi e stato riferito di tutti che si trovarono presenti e particolarmente di Mr di S. Ambrosio che servi d'interprete degli soggietti con una diversione e dissimulatione del vero senso molto artificiosa.
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• Bibliothèque Nationale, Nouvelles Acquisitions Fonds Français (hereafter B.N., NAF), Ms.5173, f.32. ‘Sono duoi ordinarli eh’ io non ho avuto nove di V.S…’ This and the previous volume were presumably stolen by Libri, and hence unknown to Larroque and Ruelens. I plan to publish a complete and more precise transcript of the letters elsewhere. I am indebted to Jacques Ferrier who checked the sense of the partial quotes in this article and provided valuable discussion on the material.
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• See R.R., III, p.78, B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.123.
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• Peiresc praised Rubens to all his friends; see Rizza, op.cit., p. 68, 26 February 1622, Peiresc to Bagni ‘la più erudita conversazione ch'io habbia mai havuto’, and M. Rooses, Rubens, trans. H. Child, London 1904, p. 350, and TdL, VI, p. 133, XL, Peiresc to his family, 16 March 1626: ‘Cette perle d'honneur, n'estimant pas qu'il y ayt une ame au monde plus aymable que celle de Mr Rubens.’
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• Peiresc wrote to Aleandro on 10 May 1624: ‘Rubens has already had fifteen of the finest cameos engraved on copper’ M. Rooses, Rubens, ibid., II, p. 345. But in the copy and original of this letter we hear the project will include more than ‘cinquanta carnei’: Bibliothèque Méjanes Aix (hereafter Aix) Ms. 1032, p. 337. Vatican Library, Barberini Latin Ms. 6504 f.l53. For the gem book project see M. Van der Meulen-Schregardus, Petrus Paulus Rubens Antiquarius, Alphen aan de Rijn 1975.
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• C. Norris, ‘Rubens and the Great Cameo’, Phoenix, VIII, 1948, pp. 178–88, and M. Van der Meulen-Schregardus, ibid., G.63, pp. 142–6.
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• See L. Cheles, ‘The “Uomini Famosi” in the “Studiolo” of Urbino: An Iconographie Study’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, C11, 1983, pp. 1–7; and R. Pavoni, ‘Paolo Giovio, et son musée de portraits à propos d'une exposition’, Gazette des Beaux-Arts, CV, 1985, pp. 109–16, for Giovio's collection which inspired the Medici and Borromeo collections.
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• Peiresc's collection was noticed by visitors. See Tamizey de Larroque, Les Correspondants de Peiresc III JeanJacques Bouchard, Paris 1881, diary of his journey from Paris to Rome, 15 November 1630: p.179:
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• Les peintures sont infinies, entre austres les portraits des hommes illustres…
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• Gassendi, Bk VI, p. 160(1632), describes the modest decoration of Peiresc's own Chamber: Instead of Tapestry there hung the Pictures of his chief friends and of famous men: besides an innumerable Company of bundles of Commentaries Transcripts, Notes, collected from Books, Epistles and such like papers.
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• TdL, I, p.44, XII, 30 October 1624, Peiresc to Dupuy where Peiresc writes that he only has portraits of those who have'… ma cognoiscance et qui m'ont advoué pour leur serviteur…’ Quinten Matsy's 1517 portraits of Erasmus and Gilles, gifts from Thomas More's distinguished house guests, anticipate the intimacy of Peiresc's collection.
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• 30 October 1624, Peiresc to Dupuy, unpublished postscript: Carpentras, Ms.1877, f.9.
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• Gassendi, Bk IV, p. 61 (1631). ‘The City’ is Aix.
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• F. Imperato, Dell'Historia Naturale di Ferrante Imperato Napolitano Libri XXVIII, Naples 1599.
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• Gassendi, Bk I, p. 16, (1597):
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• …and he himself partly through occasion of this study, and partly that he might not wholly intermit the course of those learned Studies which he had begun, he took it in hand of his own Head to make a Catalogue of those Emperors, who had made the Lawes. He made also a Catalogue of the Consuls and other Magistrates in their order, searching everywhere for their Coines, that he might know the Lawmakers as well by their Countenances as their Acts. Also he endeavoured to get the Pictures of all the most famous Lawyers, that so when he met with any of their Reports and Interpretations his memorie might be strengthened by calling to minde their Countenances.
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• See G. Naudé, Advice on establishing a library, Berkeley 1950, p. 72. Naudé's advice was apparently widely accepted in Paris. The doctor Guy Patin has portraits of Erasmus, de Muret, both Scaligers, Montaigne, de Charron, St Francis de Sales, de Thou, Paolo Scarpi, Rabelais, Gassendi, Saumaise, Grotius and Naudé. See J. Clarke, Gabriel Naudé 1600–1653, Hamden 1970, pp. 85–6. R. Pintard, Le Libertinage Erudii, Paris 1943, p. 312, citing Guy Patin, Lettres, Paris 1846, t.11, p. 571, 270, 283. Patin also had portraits of Gassendi, de Thou, and (again) Saumaise, according to Bourdelot's letter to dal Pozzo of 28 August 1642, Corsini Archives Palazzo Corsini, Rome, dal Pozzo Ms. V. XXXIII (466), f.82v., in which he despatches Patin's portrait of Fernel to dal Pozzo. Lumbrosi, op.cit., p.342.
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• Gassendi, Bk III, p. 216 (1623), records that Peiresc copied Anjou portraits from stained glass windows at Anjou. Tamizey de Larroque, Les Correspondants de Peiresc, VIII, Le Cardinal Bichi, Paris 1885, p. 42. 45, 25 January 1603, publishes the letter from Valladier concerning a portrait of Jean of Naples which ‘Sire Reinaudi’ had sent him on Peiresc's advice. Gassendi, Bk II, p. 113 (1607), tells us that Peiresc was involved in Cayerus's paintings of the Kings of France on the ceiling of the town hall. Certainly in the 1630s he assisted Jacques de Bie with his engravings of the same subject. See TdL, II, p. 321. 31 July 1632, and TdL, II, p. 385, 28 November 1632, letters to Dupuy concerning the Kings of France edition. At the same time Peiresc was also interested in the appearance of Provençal poets: see Rizza, p. 119. On 3 October 1631 Peiresc sent Cardinal Barberini ‘les images des poètes provençaux’: see Tamizey de Larroque, Petits Mémoires indits de Peiresc, Antwerp 1889 (hereafter TdL, P.M.), p. 106.
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• Peiresc helped de Thou, in 1616, assemble the Italian section of his Elogia in his Historia. See Rizza, pp. 28, 125, and Peiresc's request to Aleandro on 31 January 1617 for information on a list of Italians including Luigi Cornero, Andrea Bacci, Antonio Scarino, Ulisse Aldrobrandino and the Vicentines, Trissino and Campana, asking for ‘La Patria et Vacatione, L'età et Fortuna… l'anno et tempo et luoco della morte, les opere, stampate vi non stampate l'elogia sepulchale et les azzione delà vita più degni d'essere scrisse…’ Copy Aix Ms.1032, p.15., original in the Vatican Library, Barberini Latin Ms.6504, f.232.
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• Gassendi, Bk I, p. 41–42 (1601).
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• Gassendi, Bk I, p. 60–61 (1602).
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• TdL, VI, p. 673 (1608), ‘Memoires a mon frère de Vallavez’. Peiresc wanted the portrait of Camden the same size as his Dumonstier. Peiresc could be referring to his portraits of Malherbe, Casaubon. or Du Vair. which he had ordered in 1607 from Dumonstier in exchange for curiosities from the sea (fish and shells) and a crocodile. See R. Lebègue. Peiresc Lettres à Malherbe 1606–1628. Paris 1976. (hereafter Lebègue). p. 15 ff. Aix. 27 April 1607. Also Gassendi. Bk II. p. 119 (1607). who makes explicit the barter character of the exchange.
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• Peiresc to Chalette, 8 May 1627. ‘Le grandeur de ce portrait n'a pas besoing destre que d'environ deux pieds de largeur et de deux pieds et demi de haulteur…’ (80 cm × 64 cm), TdL, VII, p. 876. Rubens's copy of the cameo is of a similar scale. It could be argued that the dimensions of the Canberra painting indicate it is the prime version.
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• Gassendi, Bk IV’, p. 4 (1624). Gassendi is drawing from Peiresc's letter to Dupuy of 3 October 1624, Carpentras Ms. 1877 f.9.
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• See the appendix listing portraits Peiresc sought.
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• 23 April 1626, Peiresc to Aleandro, ‘il ritratto di M. Velsero buono memoria ro l'ho collocato vicino a quello di S. Giov. V. Pinelli’. Vatican Barberini Latin Ms.6504 f.197v.
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• Peiresc was seeking Galileo's portrait in 1636. See Le Opere di Galileo Galilei, ed. G. Saragat. Florence 1968, pp. 284, 296, 298, 312.
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• M. Saxer, ‘Lettres de Peiresc au Cardinal Maffeo Barberini alias Urban VIII… 1618–1624’, Provence Historique. 31, 1981, pp. 1–27.
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• Catalogue Bibliothèque Méjanes Aix (Codice n.1053), cited Rizza, p.306.
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• Gassendi, Bk VI. p. 196.
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• Ch. Ruelens, ‘Notices et documents du peintre Adrien de Vries’. Bulletin Rubens. I. 1882 (hereafter Ruelens). pp. 72–98. pp. 171–202. publishes seventeen letters of Peiresc to de Vries.
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• Peiresc thanked Lucas Holstenius on 30 May 1629 for his portrait. TdL. V, p. 325. letter XXI, and Balthazar de Viaz told Peiresc he was despatching his portrait on 21 December 1628. TdL. Les Correspondants de Peiresc, VI, 1883, p. 29.
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• W. Crelly, The paintings of Simon Vouet, New Haven 1962, cat. no. 263, p. 264, lig. 38, for Mellan's 1624 engraving after Vouet.
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• On 3 January 1635 Peiresc wrote to Naudé; asking him to obtain a copy of the Van Dyck that escaped him. See P. Wolle. Peiresc lettres à Naudé. Paris 1983. pp. 33, 34. IX.
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• On 8 March 1627 Peiresc wrote to Jean Chalette stating he had paintings by Vouet. the late Forbus (Frans Pourbus [1559-1622]), perhaps a portrait of Du Vair. Henry IV or King Louis XIII. ‘Appolodoro’, ‘Ferdinand’, ‘Finson’, and ‘Gerard’. For the letter and history of the Canberra Rubens see G. Hipp, ‘Un Portrait de Rubens par Van Dyck’, L'Artiste, II, 1887, pp. 263–77, p. 265. See ibid., p. 266–7 for the amateur painter César de Nostredame's letter of 23 August 1630 congratulating Peiresc on obtaining the ‘Rubens de sa propre main’ and his enclosed sonnet praising Rubens.
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• There is in fact other evidence that Peiresc did not value artists’ portraits. Jean Bourdelot, undoubtedly trying to avoid becoming involved in a large portrait exchange between dal Pozzo and Peiresc, wrote to him:
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• M. del Pozzo me vient d'envoyer le catalogue de ses portraits dont la plupart sont de femmes, peintres et sculpteurs; pour le reste je n'ay la plus grande partie sy bien que Govea, Erasme, Bragadin et Machiavel je n'en voudrais pas un pour le port.
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• TdL, Les Correspondants de Peiresc, XXI, Jean et Pierre Bourdelot, Paris 1897, p. 16, 17, 4 May 1635. In fact dal Pozzo had an extensive collection of portraits including those of writers—see G. Naudé, Epigrammata in Virorum Literatorum Imagines, Rome 1641. The venerated dal Pozzo received unsolicited portraits from his correspondents, see the letter of July 1639 of Raphael du Fresne (Paris) to dal Pozzo: ‘Ho voluto mandare a V.S. ill. il ritratto di Padre Josefo il quale forse non aveva ancora visto’. Archive Corsini dal Pozzo Ms. XII (444), f.71.
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• On 17 April 1639 Bourdelot (in Paris) sent dal Pozzo thirty-six engraved portraits, and twelve engravings by a pupil of Poussin. See G. Lumbroso, ‘Notizie sulla vita di Cassiano dal Pozzo’, Miscellanea di Storia Italiana, XV, Turin 1876, pp. 129–288, p. 333.
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• J. Guibert, Les Dessins du Cabinet Peiresc, Paris 1910, p. 100, publishes an inventory of Peiresc's collection listing his painting of ancient marriages, the Abbate and Rubens's copies of cameos, and a ‘still-life’ of Cardinal del Monte's vases. TdL, V, p. 103, XLIX, 16 January 1633, Peiresc to Guillemin requests a Dutch still-life of the St Denis vases. In a further letter, TdL, V, p. 153, LXVII, 2 May 1633, to Guillemin, Peiresc mentions Mathieu Frédeau's grisaille of the Cardinal del Monte/Barberini (Portland) vase, which he has at Boysgency. He refers to the copy again in his letter of 8 November 1634 to Cassiano dal Pozzo, and it was to join the Rubens which he has ‘tenuto molto buono e molto nobile’. See Montpellier Ms.271, II, f. 140.
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• 7 December 1623, Peiresc to Aleandro…'un desegno di quel vase del Cardinale de Monte il quale merita appunto di essere veduto insieme con quei bei carnei di Augusto et di Tiberio che saranno forzi le tre più belle opere dell’ antichità in materia di carnei’, Vatican Barberini Latin Ms. 6504, f.134.
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• J. Goldman, Aspects of Seicento Patronage-Cassiano dal Pozzo and the Amateur Tradition, PhD diss., University of Chicago, 1978. pp. 78/9, p. 100.
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• In May 1628 Rubens sent Peiresc fifty-six plaster casts from his gem collection (R.R., IV, p. 411), and in 1635 a cast of his famous ‘Rubens vase’, now in the Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore (c.f. R.R., VI, p.128, Peiresc to Rubens; reciprocating with a cast of the Portland Vase) and drawings of an antique spoon which Peiresc decided was a fake. Peiresc informed Rubens of his acquisitions. Many of Peiresc's antiquities were illustrated in C. Du Molinet, Le Cabinet de la Bibliothèque de Sainte Genèvieve, Paris 1692, including the ‘Pantheonic mysteries hand’ Pignoria sent to Peiresc, p. 16, and the bronze tripod Peiresc discovered, p. 16. fig. 1.
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• 22 April 1625, Peiresc (Avignon) to Rubens, where Peiresc, who had just met the legation, draws attention to dal Pozzo's drawing of the cameo on the bottom of the del Monte (Portland) vase. B.N., NAF, Ms. 5172, f.132/133. On 1 May 1625 Peiresc wrote from Aix reiterating the importance of dal Pozzo's drawings (see R.R., III, p. 365 [but B.N., NAF, 5172, f.133 provides the correct date]).
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• Peiresc was seeking the portrait on 17 October 1628, TdL, I, p. 733, letter CXXXIX, de Vries was approved as painter on 16 April 1629, TdL, II, letter XIV, p. 74, and Peiresc received de Vries's portrait with reservations in 1629, TdL, II, p. 97, letter XIX. Gregoire Huret (1608–1670) engraved the frontispiece for Boyceau's Traité du jardinage, Paris 1638, from a de Vries portrait. The book was published after Boyceau's death which occurred sometime between 1633 and August 1637. Huret was already active in 1632 (e.g. frontispiece for F. de Menconça Viridarium sacrae ac Profonde Eruditionis, Paris 1632), so it is probable that the engraving was commissioned from Peiresc's portrait or from a version of it in the mid 1630s. Cf. J. Foucart, ‘Abraham de Vries en France’, Bulletin de la Société de l'Histoire de l'Art français, 1980, p. 133, fig. 10, where a mid-1630s dating is proposed for the de Vries portrait, and F. H. Hazlehurst, Jacques Boyceau and the French Formal Garden, Athens 1966, frontispiece, who accepts the 1629 Peiresc painting as the probable source.
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• Peiresc asked his brother Valavez to obtain Camden's portrait in 1608, TdL, VI, p. 673. R. Strong, The English Icon, London 1969, p. 273, illustrates the Gheeraerts (signed Gheeraedts) in the Bodleian Library (76 × 56 cm). Cotton's overpainted 1609 version (56.5 × 41.9 cm) is in the National Portrait Gallery, London. Cotton also had portraits of Ben Jonson and H. Speed. Peiresc, in an unpublished postscript to his letter of 30 October 1624 to Dupuy, gives the Camden portrait to Marco [Gibardi], perhaps Italianizing the name. Carpentras, Ms.1877, f.9.
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• Already, on 25 November 1623, Pignoria is requesting ‘Una Madonna Laura’, B.N., f.9540, f.45 v, which his gallery did obtain (see J. Graevius, Thesaurus antiquitatum et historiarum Italiae, 1724, Bk 6, part 3, p. 143, where G.F. Tomasini, de vita, bibliotheca et Museo, L. Pignorii, 1634, is reprinted); and on 4 December 1636 Tomasini is given permission to use the Laura Carpentras, Ms.1875, f.24v, which he illustrates on p. 106 of his book and acknowledges on pp. 107–108:
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• Nec diffiteor me vidisse binas effigies apud nobilissimum Virum Hieronymum de Gualdo, unam penicillo cl. pictoris Aldograui ascripto nomine LAVRAE de SAD. Alteram à Fabricio de Peiresch pictoris recentioris titulo Laurae de Sado transmissam sed utraque inter se specie discrepabat, etriam ab ea quam heic damus, & ab illa quam olim produximus.
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• J. Goldman, op.cit., p. 107.
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• On 13 January 1628 Peiresc wrote to D'Abbatia that he had Challette's ‘Tableau des Comtes de Tholose’. TdL, VII, p. 2, letter II. The painting is cited in Peiresc's Inventory Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris). 1.29, published inj. Guibert, op.cit., p. 100. In M. Catel's, Histoire des Comtes de Tolouse, 1621, part II (which begins after p. 400), there are engravings of the Count's beginning with Torinus (by Lasne), p. 3, and ending with Philip I, p. 21. See N.C. Fabri de Peiresc, Abrégé de l'histoire de Provence, ed. J. Ferrier, M. Feuillas, Avignon 1982, plates III/V, for Alphonse Jourdain and his son Raimond V, Raymond VI, VII, Counts of Toulouse, and Dame Jeanne with her husband Alphonse de Poitiers, brother of St Louis, illustrations after Catéis engravings.
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• Oil on copper, 17.1 × 14.4 cm. M. Rouard, François I chez M. de Boissy, Paris 1863, pp. 77–81, gives a description of the paintings’ inscriptions.
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• Gassendi, Bk II, p. 119, states Dumonstier's Casaubon was ordered in 1607 with portraits of du Vair, de Thou, and Malherbe. Dumonstier's Malherbe was engraved by Vosterman. Lebègue, p. 22, shows Day was commissioned in November 1607 from Dumonstier. A Dumonstier drawing inscribed ‘Le Cardinal Du Perron, 1613’, was sold at Petit Paris, 16–19 June 1919, No. 230, 44 cm × 34 cm (photo Witt). Peiresc sent a portrait of Cardinal Du Perron (Davy) to Rambervilles on 18 April 1621. See A. Reinbold, Correspondance De Peiresc. Alphonse de Rambervilles (1620–1624), Paris 1983, p. 46, letter XX.
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• See Pignoria's engraving on p. 200 of Tomasini's book.
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• See P. Gualdo, Vita Pinelli, 1607, frontispiece; and P. Nurchi's Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Inventario dei ritratti, Ms. 1984, Vol. II, p. 438. (65 cm × 49 cm). Inv. N. 1401.
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• D. Bodart, Louis Finson, Brussels 1983, p. 263, citing J. F. P. Fauris de Saint Vincens, Notes et recherches sur la ville d'Aix 11, Bibliothèque Méjanes, Aix, Ms. 1013, pp. 733–4. I add the first draft which Saint Vincens then crossed out. ‘L'oubli jusqu à ce que le Chateau de Cadarache étant devenu un domaine national les portraits ont été mis enpieces ou jettés dans la Durance…’. Peiresc's niece married into the Valbelle family who owned the Chateau.
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• Naudé, Epigrammata, op.cit., p. 2, ‘Cum peterem Fabii tabulam cui Cassius aufert A reliquis? dictum est, ponere vult Statuam.’ Dal Pozzo's bust of Peiresc was probably the Florentine bronze Gualdo had commissioned. See Pierre Bourdelot's letter to Peiresc, 9 January 1635, TdL, Les Correspondants de Peiresc, XXI, J. et P. Bourdelot, Paris 1897, p. 11. On 4 May 1635 Peiresc asked dal Pozzo if Frédeau could paint his portrait. See Montpellier Ecole Médécine, Ms.271, II, f.158/161, ‘di farmi un giorno il ritratto di VS. illme.’ On 13 November 1635 Peiresc writes again anxiously enquiring if Frédeau can make the portrait before his departure, Ms.271, II, f.178. Dal Pozzo also asked Peiresc for engraved portraits of the English king and queen. Like Peiresc, the Dupuys also exchanged portraits with dal Pozzo. See Bourdelot to dal Pozzo, n.d. (1642?), Archive Corsini, Ms. dal Pozzo, 31, XXXI (461), f.42v., referring to J. Scalinger and de Thou's portraits.
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• 29 June 1634, Peiresc to dal Pozzo, “… in luogo di lasciarla in qualche angolo schuro, dove non potesse essere riconosicuta da altri cheda lei solo…’ Peiresc then requests dal Pozzo's own portrait. Montpellier, Ms.271, II, f. 120.
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• TdL, P. M., p. 110, 23 October 1632, ‘au Caval dal Pozzo, avec le roulleau du portrait de feu M. Aleandro.’ On 24 October 1632 Peiresc offered dal Pozzo copies of Pignoria and Pasqualini's portraits, Montpellier, Ms.271, f.68, an offer he repeated on 6 April 1633 where he is pleased that the Aleandro portrait has found a worthy place in the Academy and was used for Aleandro's marble tomb (by Duquesnoy in S. Lorenzo fuori le Mura) Mss.271, f.79. On 13 July 1633 Peiresc notes the despatch of Cujacio, Casaubon and Nostradamus's portraits. Montpellier, Ms.271. f.86. See TdL, I. p.50, 20 December 1624. Peiresc to Dupuy, suggesting an exchange of portraits between themselves.
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• See letters of Bourdelot to dal Pozzo, Archive Corsini, Ms. dal Pozzo, 31, XXXI (461), f.188, 28 April 1648, ‘J'ay donné aux ill.mes du Puv votre portrait qui l'ont dans leur bibliothèque lieu tres honorable’, and ibid., f.189, 12 May 1648, Dupuy sends his portrait.
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• Peiresc was requesting the portrait of Erycins Puteanus (Van Putte) on 18 April 1628, R.R., IV, DXLIV, but only received Cossiers's portrait of Puteanus on 24 October 1630. TdL, VII, p.919, CCCXCVIII, Peiresc to Chifflet.
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• See Paris Bibliothèque Nationale fonds français (hereafter B.N.f.f.). Ms.9541, f.206, f.216, for Aleandro's letters to Peiresc.
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• Gassendi, Bk I, p.48/59 (1602), informs us Peiresc has Marcus Velserus's portrait ‘as he had done some others’ secretly drawn. On 20 March 1626, Peiresc informed Aleandro that he had just received a letter from ‘il sig. cardinale (Barberini) con un ruololo del rittratto di M. Velsero’, so there may have been two portraits. Aix Ms.1032, p. 283. Peiresc asked de Vries on 25 October 1628 to draw Father Sirmonds's portrait secretly. Ruelens, p. 93. letter VI. After further requests on 18 January 1630, Peiresc instructs the reluctant de Vries to find an artist who will do a portrait of the King's confessor on the sly. Ruelens. p. 186, letter XIV.
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• R R., III, p. 186, CCCXXXVI, Mémoire à M. Rubens, about 29 June 1623, annotated in Peiresc's hand ‘promesse de son portrait.’ It would take a specialist to determine when Peiresc annotated the scribe's record of his memo. Peiresc is apparently referring to this memo in a letter of 4 June 1624 to Rubens ‘ho cercaro la copia del memoriale ch’ io ne mandai a V.S. primo de partessi da Paraggi…’. B.N., NAF, M ss.5172 f.121v.
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• On 3 August 1623 Rubens wrote to Peiresc thanking him for the embarrassingly generous gift of ithyphallic gems. See R.R., III, p. 215. and Van der Meulen, p. 35. pl. XVII for Peiresc's 1623 impressions of the gems.
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• This famous Byzantine ivory which Peiresc identified as Heraclius is now thought to represent the emperor Justinian on horseback, see Hellan, op.cit., p. 82, fig. 58.
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• See C. Norris, ‘Rubens and the Great Cameo’, Phoenix, VIII, 1948, pp. 178–88. The Rubens cameo painting was bequeathed bvjacques Dupuy. 18 July 1656, to President de Thou while ‘les tableaux de plusieurs hommes illustres’ that decorated his library were destined for César Dupuy. See the will published by S. Solente, ‘Les Manuscrits des Dupuy à la Bibliothèque Nationale’, Bibliothèque de l'Ecole des Chartes. LXXXVIII, Páris 1927, pp. 227, 228. In the de Thou inventory of 1679 the cameo is not recorded, but Dupuv's other Rubens of Ambrogio Spinola is. J. Van Gelder ‘Rubens Marginalia III’, Burlington Magazine, 122. 1980, pp. 165–8, p. 167, is uncertain if the Dupuys ever received the Rubens Spinola: ‘there is no known report that Dupuy received the Portrait of Spinola’, which is here documented.
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• R.R., III, p. 387, CCCLXXXIII, 19 September 1625, Rubens to Valavez: ‘Toccante la Pittura del Cameo… perche in ogni modo sono negotii de gusto…'
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• See also R R., III, p. 434, CCCXCVIII, 2 April 1626, Rubens to Valavez. and R R.. III, p. 350: s'il a jamais faict un dessain de celuy de la Ste Chapelle qu'il vouloit faire avec les vises couleurs des habillements anciens et les figures d'un pan de long pour voir si cela le pouvoit remettre dans le souvenir de la promesse qu'il m'en avoit faicte la dernière foys queje le vis pour l'accompagner du tableau que j'ay de celuy de l'Empereur, ou les figures sont de mesme proportion, bien que en grisaille et non en couleurs.
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• RR.. III, p. 443, CCCCIII, 19 June 1626, Peiresc to Aleandro, the Rubens made his copy of the Gemma Augustea ‘par cosa morta’. On 1 May 1725 Peiresc had claimed that Aleandro had especially admired the now displaced Abbate copy, B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.133.
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• Ruelens. p.192/3, letter 18, 8 June 1626, Peiresc to de Vries:
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• Au surplus, j'ay receu depuis quelques jours la peinture que M. Rubens m'avait promise, laquelle est merveilleusement bien digne de son auteur. [Et le] camaieul eue j'avois de la main de Messer Nicolo, qui a l'ait les dessins de Fontainebleau, lequel semblait une bonne pièce auparavant, n'est maintenant que de la boue et du crachat au prix de l'autre. Je voudrais bien que vous l'eussiez veue. Il [semble] qu'il s'est concerté en ceste pièce et qu'il y a donné de l'exercice aux curieux pour y observer les belles choses de l'art. J'ay esté constraint de la mettre en un lieu où elle est toute seule, car elle tuoit tout ce qui en approchoit en matière de peinture. Monsieur Borillv vouloit jeter tout son cabinet par la fenestre, de dépit de n'avoir rien de comparable à cela, de sorte que vous aurez bien de quoy luv faire la guerre si vous voulez. Enfin, c'est la représentation de la plus belle pierre précieuse qui ait jamais esté au monde [ou], pour le moins le plus beau monument qui soit demeuré de toute l'antiquité jusqu'au [moment où elle] fut représentée d'une si excellente main que l'une estoit bien digne de l'autre.
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• Borillv's collection was also visited by Henri II de Bourbon, Prince de Condé (1588–1646), who promised Peiresc his portrait, TdL, IV, p.19. letter XI. 8 April 1631, Peiresc to Borrilly. The inventory of Boniface Borilly's collection is published by Tamizev de Larroque. Les Correspondants de Peiresc. XVIII, Boniface Borrilly. Aix 1890. and includes the Rubens Self-portrait, p. 57, as stipulated in Peiresc's will, and many coins, curiosities and rarities which must have mirrored Periesc's own collection.
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• For the painting's provenance, see M. Jaffé, op.cit., p. 27, n.7.
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• For new information on the provenance of the Rubens copy see note 80, where Jacques Dupuy gives to President de Thou ‘mon tableau de [l']apothéose d'Auguste tiré sur l'agathe de la Sainete Chapelle par monsieur Rubens, qui est enchassé dans un cadre doré…’. Mariette presumably bought the copy from de Thou's heirs.
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• On 30 March 1627, Peiresc asked Cossiers that he ask to make a copy of a Rubens's Self-portrait
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• … à me faire une copie tireé sur quelque bon pourtraict de Mons Rubens en quoy vous me ferez un singulier plaisir et encores plus si vous y pouviez joindre par mesme moyen en toille à part un bon pourtraict de Mons. Gevartius secretaire de l’ Hotel de Ville d'Anvers affin que rengeant les portraicts que j'ay de mes bons amis cez deux là n'y [fussent] pas à dire qui sont les meilleurs et les plus intimes que j'ay enee monde, et de ceux de plus eminant Merite pour leur vertu et pour leur erudition singuliere.
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• B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.137v, reference cited R. Lebègue, A. Bresson, Peiresc lettres à divers, Paris 1985, p. 138. Mme. Sacquin kindly helped me with the transcription of these difficult minutes, but the errors are not hers.
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• TdL, P.M., p. 55, records under 1 April letters [‘parie poste Paris’ is noted on f 39 of the original Ms.] ‘à Mr Rubens, à Mr Gevartius, à M. Cossiers’.
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• Non devo omettere di renderle ancora infiniti ringratiamenti della cortese offerta del suo ritratto senza il quale sarebbe inperfettissima la raddunanza chio ho di quelli di molt’ altri amici fra i quali V.S. tiene de primi gradi.
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• B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.142v.
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• See note 77 above.
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• See extract of the letter published by G. Hipp, op.cit., p. 265. Also published TdL, VII, p. 876, CCCLXXXV, 8 May 1627, Peiresc to Chalette: ‘J'en attens mesme un de la main de Mr Rubens.’
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• R.R., IV, p. 391, DXLIV, 18 April 1628, Peiresc to de Vries. Peiresc suggests ‘sur le subject du portrait dudit S.r Rubens à qui j'avois demandé permission de laisser prendre coppie sur quelqu'un de ceux qu'il peut avoir faietz de sa main…’, predictably the ploy worked. He also notes in the same letter that Cossiers's portrait of Gevaerts is finished.
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• 18 April 1628, Peiresc to Rubens. ‘Mi disse di pi il S.r Pichivi haver ordinato di procurare il mio ritratto, non senza farmi vergogna…’ B.N., NAF, Ms.5172 f.146v. ‘S.r de Vris… che fara detta copia se non con l'eccelenza che merita un si degno soggietto…. Anzi mi pare che V.S. doserebbe lasciar stampare in rame qualche suo ritratto…’, ibid., f. 146v.
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• 18 April 1628, Peiresc to Pichery ‘… la Coppie de celluy de Mr Rubens… je ne prétends pas d'accepter son original de sa main quelque offre quii m'en aye daigné faire ne luy estan[t] que trop redevable d'ailleure,…’ B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.146v.
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• See note 1. thanking Rubens for his letter of 27 April: ‘Con che finisco rendenole infinite gratie della final concessione del suo ritratto…’.
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• ‘… sua buona grazia non solamente verzo di me ma ancora verzo gli amici miei, et specialmente il S.r de Vris et il S.r Cossiers onde loro rimango obligatissimo et tutto confuso dell’ eccessiva sua liberalità et amorenvolezza per conto del suo ritratto…’ B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.149v.
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• 3 June 1628, Peiresc to Pickery. Received Rubens's letter of 19 May, ‘… promet aussi son portraict… travailler lui mesme de sa main… car il me suffis un coppie…’. B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f. 150.
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• On 30 June 1628 Peiresc thanks de Vries for having obtained an original Rubens self-portrait:
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• Quant au portraict de M. Rubens, c'est sans doute que je ne puis reporter qu'à grand heur et advantaige de l'avoir de sa main mesme, ne croyant pas avoir mérité de luv donner ceste peine, je me serais bien contenté d'une copie, et eusse désiré que vous y eussiez insisté un peu davantage que vous ne feistes sur ses honnestes offices.
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• Ruelens, p. 88.
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• Rubens (Madrid) to Peiresc, 2 December 1628, ‘Spero che V. S. haveva già ricevuto il mio ritratto.’ R.R., V, p.11, letter DLXIV. Magurn, op.cit., p. 291, letter 179, ‘I hope you have received the portrait of the Marquis. I left exact orders to have it sent on my departure from Antwerp.’ Madrid, 2 December 1628. In 1616 Balthasar Moretus was also among the privileged few to have Rubens contribute to his ‘famous men’ collection, now the Musée Plantin-Moretus, see R.R., III, p.113. M. Jaffé, ‘Rubens Roman emperors’, Burlington Magazine, CXIII, 1971, pp. 300–3, suggests datings of c. 1599 and c. 1625 to Rubens's two series of Roman emperors.
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• Rubens's lost letter of 24 August 1628 is referred to by Peiresc in his letter to Pichery of 16 December 1628, B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.151v. and 19 December 1628 to Dupuy, R.R., V, p. 13.
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• On 2 June 1629 Peiresc writes to Dupuy R.R., V, p. 53 and Rubens asking if the portrait has left Antwerp. Peiresc's letter to Rubens, 2 June 1627, ‘Le lettere [(24 August)] que V.S. m. ille mi scrisse partendo per quel suo gran viaggio… rimaste in mano di qui signori que facevano conto di mandarmele insieme con il suo ritratto ma la continuatione del interdetto del commercio per della contagione rispecto di Lyone’. B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.152. On 9 August 1629 Rubens (in London) replies to this letter: ‘Se io sapesse chel mio ritratto fosse ancora in Anvera…’, R.R., V, p. 153.
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• Peiresc informs Pichery, 2 September 1629, that he is about to move to Belgentier and still does not know if the portrait is in Paris or Antwerp, and on 19 November he writes again from Belgentier via Toulon to Pichery (this letter may never have arrived) B.N., NAF, Ms.5172, f.152v, and ibid., f.153.
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• In a letter of Peiresc to Chifflet of 30 January 1630, TdL, VII, CCCXCVII, p. 913, extract R.R., V., p. 269, DCLVII), Peiresc implies that Chifflet's portrait (begun before 16 November 1928) should join Rubens's portrait at Antwerp for prompt despatch. The words ‘un autre portrait de Mr Rubens’ should be read in the sense of ‘a consignment’, cf. Ch. Ruelens, op.cit., p. 87, 18 April 1628, Peiresc to de Vries ‘Mr Chifflet… m'a semblablement promis son portraict et mandé qu'il l'avoit faict faire. Si nous lui [escripvions] un billet pour l'advertir de la commodité de le joindre à celluy de Mr Rubens et à celluy de Mr Gevartius, pour me le faire tenir ensemblement…’, which supports the visual evidence and the tenor of Rubens's concluding letters.
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• For Cossiers's portrait of Caspar Gevearts, see Ruelens, ibid., p. 91, V, 31 March 1628. Peiresc to de Vries ‘M. Cossier avoit fait un portrait de Mr Gevartius…'
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• . For Cossiers's portrait of Putte, see Ruelens, p. 86, III, 18 April 1628, Peiresc requesting the portrait, p. 268, 20 November 1629, again requesting, p. 177, XI, 2 February 1630, awaiting arrival of portrait. Peiresc knew Dupuy (in Paris) had received the Lalaing manuscript by 21 July 1629 which copy Chifflet had authorized on 17 June 1629, see TdL, II, p. 133, XXX and n.2.
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• Marjon van der Meulen, A Note on Rubens's Letter on Tripods’, Burlington Magazine, CXIX, 1977, pp. 647–51.
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• Valavez reached Peiresc on 13 July 1630, and his coffers began arriving on 15 and 17 July, TdL, P.M., p. 101.
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• R.R., V, pp. 309–13, DCLXXXI, Magurn, p. 367, letter 216, August 1630:
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• Il ritratto di V. S. e stato gratissimo a me et a questi Signori che l'hanno veduto e restono interramente sodisfatti della somiglianza ma io confesso non mi parere di relucere in questa faccia non so che di spiritosa, et una certa emphasi nel sembiante he mi pare propria del Genio di V. S. laquale però non si acerta facilmente in pittura da ogniuno. Rendo a V. S. di nova mille gracie per tanti regali e la prego voler vacciar le mani con tutto il cuore da mia parte al gentilissimo Sigr di Valaves verissimo suo fratello che mi ha scritto di Lyone agli quattri di Julio dandomi nova d'haver ricevuto il mio ritratto che me dubito sara mal trattato per il longo viaggio et in tutti mod indegno del museo di V. S. sinon in qualita di servitore.
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• Peiresc was always emphatic about his own role as a humble servant, which here Rubens is modestly adopting.
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• Magurn, p.293, letter 180, Rubens to Peiresc, Madrid, December 2 1628:
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• This will be for no other purpose than to pay my respects to my dear Peiresc and to enjoy a few days of his much desired presence in his own home, which must be a museum of all the curiosities of the world.
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• I hope that you have already received my portrait, consigned to my brother-in-law M. Pcquery.
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