The Venetian Community--Between Civitas and Imperium . A Project of the Capital's Transfer from Venice to Constantinople, According to the Chronicle of Daniele Barbaro

References

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• Ibid., p. 543, note 5.
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• For the text, see Tafel & Thomas, Urkunden zur älteren Handels- und Staatsgeschichte der Republik Venedig, VoL 1: document CXXI, pp. 452-501: Partitio regni Graed, dated 1204; Carile, 'Partitio terrarum Imperil Romanic', pp. 218-20. About the Venetian supposed achievements on the continent (Peloponnse, Epirus, Aetolia) see also William Miller, The latins in the Levant. A History of Prankish Greece (1204-1566,), London, 1908, p. 29. See also Cessi 'venezia e Ia quarta crociata', p. 50; Zakythinos, Ia conqute de Constantinople' (specifying the difference between the Venetian achievements in Thracia, Péloponnèse, Epirus etc., and the practical results); Nicolas Oikonomides, 'La décomposition de l'empire byzantin a la veille de 1204 et les origines de l'empire de Nicée: a propos de la Partitio Romaniae1, in XVe Congrès International d'Etudes Byzantines, Rapports et co-rapports, I/1, Athens, 1976, reprinted in N. Oikonomides, Byzantium from the Ninth Century to the Fourth Crusade. Studies, Texts, Monuments, Hampshire-Brookneld, 1992, pp. 3-28 (XX) that still deals rather with the territories omitted in Partitio.
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• Flaminio Corner, ed., Laurentii de Monads Veneti Cretae Cancellari Chronica de rebus venetis Ab U. C. ad Annum MCCCUV. sive ad conjurationem duds Faledro, Venice, 1758, p. 60: 'Quis igitur ex omnibus antescriptis non clare videat tanquam supra altissimum montent positam excelsam, & legitimam Ducatus Veneti dignitatem, & praeclaram hujus inclitae Urbis nobilitatem, quae sui semper juris nee regem cognovit, nee Dominum, nee tyrannum? quae suis legibus, institutis, disciplinis, moribus, & consuetudinibus ab honestis initlis in hanc magnitudinem dominationis excrevit?'
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• for instance Francesco Sansovino, Venetia Citta nobilissima etsingolare, 2 volumes, Venice, 1663.
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• Gian Giacopo Caroldo, Cronaca Veneziana, sino all'anno 1382, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, manuscript It. Vu. 128b ( =7443), p. 69b: 'Venetiani, come chiaramente si vede, hebbero buona occasione di far nuovo acquisto et accrescere Io stato come loro successe nella Dalmatia, percioche tendevano a grattificare gllmperatori de Greci, con Ii quali cercavano distringersi e di affinita e di benevolentia per diversi mezzi; […]. Si vede anco, ehe Venetian! non meno Studiosi erano di tenere benevoli gllmperatori Occidental!, e massimamente gl'Ottoni Sassoni, […], essendo pur rimasta qualche parte dell'antico odio frà l'Occidentale, e Costantinopolitano Imperio; et oltre l'altre cause, vi era Ia diffidentia frà la Romana e la Greca Chiesa; die se bene Venetian convenissero aderire all'lmperio Orientale per il necessario comercio alla loro Citta; non di meno non volsero giàmai consentire all'Eresie délia Greca Chiesa; anzi furono sempre costantissimi di seguire la Romana, ne da quello punto dewiare; […]'.
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• See, for instance, 'Storia délia Repubblica Veneziana scritta da Andrea Navagiero Patrizio Veneto', in LA. Muratori, ed., Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, Vol. 23, Milan, 1733, p. 923-1216 (at p. 940): 'Also, in the mentioned time, there occurred a big dispute between the Emperor of Constantinople and King Quirles of France. And it appeared because of the tribute for Dalmatia, Liburnia and Istria, so that both of them sent their ambassadors to the Doge and to his Council, asking for assistance. Consequently, it was deliberated by the council of the noble tribunes to offer aid to the Emperor of Constantinople.For this reason. King Charles had a lot of disdain, and attempted by all means to spoil the Venetians' (our translation). For more details, see erban Marin, Tenefia-intre Carol cel Mare si Bizanf. 7Reprezentarea momentului 800 in traditia cronicistica venetianä' ['Venice-between Charles the Great and Byzantium. The 800 moment in the Venetian chronicles' tradition'], Analele Universitätii Bucurefti. Istorie, 48 (1999), pp. 3-44. For the real evolution of the events, see Donald M. Nicol, Venezia e Bisanzio, Milan, 1990 (first edition, Byzantium and Venice. A Study in Diplomatic and Cultural Relations, Cambridge, 1988), pp. 27-34.
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• Serban Marin, Tmaginea imparatului Manuel I Comnen in cronicistica venetianä' [The image of the Fjnperor Manuel I Comnenus in the Venetian chronicles'], Rroiste istorici, 11,1-2 (2000), pp. 31-57; 'Venice and transktio imperil. The relevance of the 1171 event in the Venetian chronicles' tradition', Annuario. Istituto Romeno di cultura e ricerca umanistica 3 (2001), pp. 45-103 [ =http:// www.geocities.com/serbarLjnarin/marin2001Jitml]. We developed here the legends destined to prove that Manuel I was to be an usurper on the Constantinople throne, see Ibid., pp. 75-84.
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• Daniele Barbaro was the Republic's official writer between 1512 and 1515. His chronicle covers the period between Venice's origins and 1413-14, cf. Freddy Thiriet, Tes chroniques Vénitiennes de la Marderme et leur importance pour l'histoire de la Romanic Greco-Vénitienne', Mélanges d'Archéologie et d'Histoire publis par l'Ecole Franaise de Rome, 1954, pp. 241-92 (at p. 246). Later, in Thiriet, La Remanie vénitienne au moyen age, pp. 16-17, the same author would recommend the publication of the chronicle, together with the ones written by Niccolo Trevisan, Gian Giacopo Caroldo, Antonio Morosini, Gasparo Zancaruolo and Zorzi Dolfin. Thiriet's will regarding Daniele Barbaro has never been accomplished, that is why we utilise here one of the numerous chronicle's manuscripts at the Marciana Library, that is It. Vu. 2554 ( =12446).
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• Daniele Barbara, Cronaca di Veneziafino id 1414, Venice, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, manuscript It. VII. 2554 ( =12445), pp. 282b-92b (the Doge's speech, at pp. 282b-87a) (our translation).
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• Morosini , Antonio . 1999 . The Morosini Codex, edited by Michele Pietro Ghezzo, John R. Melville-Jones & Andrea Rizzi 14 – 15 . Padua 'And before this time it was discussed on many occasions, and ordered to be put to the vote at meetings of the Council, that the Venetians should inhabit this empire and rule it all This proposal did not succeed, and want of a few votes in the Council, and so it had no effect, but many seem to think that it was by a single vote' (editors' translation)
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• Istoria Veneziana di Agostino Agostini, Venejia, Venice, Biblioteca della Fondazione Querini Stampalia, manuscript IV. 16, p. 26b: 'Ditto messer Io Dose fece ogni possibil instanza in persuader Venetian! ehe se dovesse andar à star à Constantinopoli, affermando ehe, fra poco spatio, messer Io Dose, et Signoria haveria tutto quel dominio, perche coloro amavano grandemente Venetiani et desideravano ehe si andasse ad habitar IL Ma mai Ii boni Venetiani volseno assentir de partirse da Venetia' (added on the margin of the text, as a subchapter title: 'Fio del Dose di andar a star a Constantinopoli', thus suggesting that the idea did not belong to Enrico Dandolo, but to his son, Ranieri Dandolo, who remained to govern Venice as vicedoge, during his father's absence. At the same page, the author brings the same idea into discussion, this time placing it subsequently to the expedition's description: 'Ne restö far un'altra esperientia in persuader ehe si andasse à star à Constantinopoli, ma Venetiani non la volseno accettar, constantissimi à non partirse da Venetia'.
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• Cronaca Veneta attribute a Giovanni Tiepolo Patriarca di Venezia dall'anno 421 al 1524, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, manuscript It. VII. 129 ( =8323), p. 79a: The aforesaid Missier the Doge did all the possible requests to persuade the Venetians to leave for Constantinople, affirming that in a short time Missier the Doge arid the Signoria would have all that possession, because they are very loved by the Venetians and they desired to be gone and settled there, but the good Venetians never accepted to leave Venice' (our translation). In this chronicle, the event is placed even before the expedition itself!
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• Marcantonio Coccio Sabellico, Degl'Istorici dette Cose Veneziane, I quali hanno scritto per Pubblico Decreta, Venice, 1718 (first edition 1507), pp. 155-56. Sabellico was regarded as the official historian of the Serenissima, see Gaetano Cozzi, 'Cultura politica e religione nella "pubblica storiografia" veneziana del '500', Bollettino dell'Istituto di storia délia Societä e dello Stale Veneziano, 5-6 (1963-64), pp. 215-94.
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• For the Venetians' position inside the crusaders and the separation between Venetian and non-Venetian crusaders, see S. Marin, Tenetian and non-Venetian crusaders in the fourth crusade, according to the Venetian chronicles' tradition', Annuario Istituto Romeno di cultura e ricera umanistica, 4 (2002), pp. 111-71 (especially 115-20) [ =http://www.geocities.com/serban_marin/ marin2002.html]. For the candidature of the Doge, see idem, The Venetian "Empire". The Imperial Elections in Constantinople on 1204 in the Representation of the Venetian Chronicles, Annuario. Istituto Romeno di culturae ricerca umanistica 5 (2003) (forthcoming).
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• Few other chronicles speak about Ottaviano Querini, see for instance Nicolo Trevisan, Cronaca di Venezia flno al 1444, Biblioteca Nazionale Marciana, manuscript It. VH. 2567 (! =12459), p. 39b. For more details about the Venetian electors, see Antonio Carile, Per una storia dett'Impero Latino di Costantinopoli (1204-1261), 2nd edition, Bologna, 1978, p. 182 (who introduces Domenico Barbara instead of Pantaleone Barbo).
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• Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Miscellanea di carte non appartenenti a nessun archivio, B. 9, p. 12, cf. Antonio Carile, 'La Partitio terrarum Imperil Remanie del 1204 nella tradizione storica dei veneziani', Rivista di Studi Bizantini e NeoeUenici, new series 2-3 (1965-66), p. 177: Tira dunque il Doge di Venezia Imperatore, né può negarsi, et perché Romania nel greco rilieva nel latino Roma Nuova, era dunque il Doge Imperatore romano, perciò ehe doppò ehe, da Costantino fu trasferito l'imperio da Roma vecchia a Costantinopoli, fu da lui istesso questa città detta con altro nome Roma nuova …'.
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• Ibid.: '[…] essendosi assegnata Ia sola quarta parte all'Imperatore, e al Doge una e mezza, era dunque pi imperatore U Doge di Venezia ehe llmperatore Balduino istesso […]'.
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• Cronaca Veneta di Girolamo Savina sino al MDCXV, p. 66b: '[…] reduti ehe furno tutti insieme in ditto Conseglio, el Dose parlò de moite et varie cose ad utele et honor del comun; e finalmente venne proponendo l'andar ad habitar in Costantinopoli e la far el cavo del dominio del comun, mostrandoli el grande utele e benefflcio e la grandezza de conseguir un grande imperio ad esso comun; donde fu molti parlamenti e dispute, chi in favor e chi in contrario, molti e molti zorni; finalmente, el valoroso Dose mandò la parte sopra questo, la quai fu ballottada et have del andar ad habitar a Costantinopoli ballote 321 et de non ballote 323; e fu preso de doi ballote de non andar [on the margin of the text: 1214], e cusi fu seguido a mandar pottesta in essa citta, segondo el solito'.
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• Marinus Sanutus, Vitae Ductim Venetorum Italicè Scriptae ab origine Urbis, sive ab anno CCCC XXI. usque ad annum MCCCCXCm, in Herum Italicarum Scriptores, edited by LA. Muratori, VoL 22, Milan, 1733, pp. 399-1252 (see p. 405): la Città di Venezia, […] ebbe principio, non da' Pastori, come ebbe Roma, ma da potenti e nobili, […]'.
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