Signs of Violence: Colonial Ethnographies and Indo-Islamic Monuments

NOTES

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• Tapati Guha-Thakurta, Archaeology as Evidence: looking Back from the Ayodhya Debate, Occasional Paper no. 159 (Calcutta: Centre for Studies in Social Sciences, 1997) 2. On the central role of the monument in the long-running controversy surrounding the site see Peter van der Veer, Religious Nationalism: Hindus and Muslims in India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994) 152–62; Gyanendra Pandey, “The Culture of History”, In Near Ruins: Cultural Theory at the End of the Century, ed. Nicholas B. Dirks (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1998) 29. See also notes 81–82 below.
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• Allan Sekula, “The Body and the Archive”, October 39 (Winter, 1986) 6. The role of photography in constituting the contents of the subcontinent as collectible artefacts is clear from John McCosh's 1856 recommendation of the camera as a means by which officers in India “may make such a faithful collection of representations of man and animals, of architecture and landscape, that would be a welcome contribution to any museum”: Ray McKenzie, “‘The Laboratory of Mankind’: John McCosh and the Beginnings of Photography in British India”, History of Photography 11.2 (1987) 169.
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• I take an indexical sign to be one with a “causal” or “existential” relationship to its referent: W.J.T. Mitchell, Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1986) 56. On the indexical qualities of Indian photography see Christopher Pinney, Camera Indica: The Social Life of Indian Photographs (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1997) 20–1. See also Susan Sontag's comments on the photograph as a physical trace: On Photography (New York: The Noonday Press, 1989) 4, 154.
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• Emil Schlagintweit, “Note in reference to the question of the Aboriginal tribes of India”, Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (August, 1867) 129–30. The procedure was criticised for concentrating on the face rather than the cranium as a whole, since this was the basic unit of contemporary anthropometry.
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• Henry Hardy Cole, The Architecture of Delhi Especially the Buildings Around the Kutb Minar (London: Arundel Society, 1872) 3–7; Maria Antonella Pelizzari, “From Stone to Paper: Photographs of Architecture and the Traces of History”, Traces of India: Photography, Architecture and the Politics of Representation (Montreal: Canadian Centre for Architecture, 2003) 35–7.
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• J.A. Page, An Historical Memoir on the Qutb: Delhi, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India, no. 22 (Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1926).
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• Cole, Architecture of Delhi, 7. See also John Forbes Watson, Report on the Illustration of the Archaic Architecture of Indict (London: India Museum, 1869) 45.
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• Schlagintweit, “Note”, 129; Forbes Watson, Report, 23; John Falconer, “Ethnographical Photography in India 1850–1900”, The Photographic Collector 5.1 (1984) 27–28.
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• Max Müller, India—What Can it Teach Us? (New York: Funk & Wagnall, 1883) 25. In their writings on photography, both Roland Barthes and Susan Sontag have noted the ability of the photograph to museumise its subjects, and subjectify its objects.
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• George Campbell, Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1866) 71-2, 84, 88–9. See also the proposal for an Indian ethnological exhibition in which representative specimens of the various Indian tribes and races, taxonomically arranged in booths, “should receive and converse with the Public, and submit to be photographed, painted, taken off in casts, and otherwise reasonably dealt with in the interests of science”: Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1867) 90.
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• Bernard S. Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996) 93.
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• James Fergusson, On the Study of Indian Architecture (Delhi: Indological Book House, 1977) 10.
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• ibid., 12–13.
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• James Fergusson, History of Architecture in All Countries, vol. 1 (London: John Murray, 1865) 42–3; Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, 59. For the comparison of physiognomy and language see Marian Hobson, “Characteristic Violence: Or, the Physiognomy of Style”, Violence, Identity, and Self-Determination, eds. Hent de Vries and Samuel Weber (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997) 76. The notion of the legible monument owes something to contemporary studies of Egypt and its hieroglyphic-covered antiquities.
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• Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, 162–63; George W. Stocking, Race, Culture, and Evolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968) 73ff., esp. 80–81. See also Samuel George Morton, Types of Mankind: Or, Ethnographic Researches Based Upon the Ancient Monuments, Paintings, Sculptures, and Crania of Races (London: Trübner & Co., 1871).
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• See Fergusson's response to George Campbell's “On the Races of India as Traced in Existing Tribes and Castes”. Journal of the Ethnological Society of London vol. 1 (1869) 140–41. For a strident critique of Fergusson's adoption of an ethnographic framework see Anon., “The Influence of Race on Art”, The Anthropological Review vol. 1 (1863) 216–27.
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• Walter Benjamin, “Theses on the Philosophy of History”, Illuminations, trans. Harry Zohn (London: Fontana Press, 1992) 247. See also the idea of the archival impulse as characterised by “an aggressive empiricism, bent on achieving a universal inventory of appearance”: Allan Sekula, “Reading an Archive”, Blasted Allegories: An Anthology of Writings by Contemporary Artists, ed. Brian Wallis (Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press, 1989) 118.
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• Fergusson, Indian Architecture, 12, emphasis mine. See also Fergusson's Picturesque Illustrations of Ancient Architecture in Hindostan (London: J. Hogarth, 1848) 2. Less than a decade later, a proposal for an Ethnographical Survey of India, comparable to the Archaeological Survey founded in the 1860s, cites the advantages of such a survey in giving colonial administrators a “moral hold” on the people of India: Falconer, “Ethnographical Photography”, 34.
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• Denzil Ibbetson, “The Study of Anthropology in India”, Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay vol.2 (1890) 120–1.
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• The use of masks in eighteenth-century physiognomic studies anticipates the role of casts in later ethnography: Sekula, “The Body and the Archive”, 10 ff; Michael Shortland, “Skin Deep: Barthes, Lavater, and the Legible Body”, Economy and Society 14.3 (August 1985) 273–312; Hobson, “Characteristic Violence”. On the application of photography to anthropometric analysis see David Green, “Classified Subjects”, Ten. 8 (Quarterly Photographic Journal) 14 (1984): 30–7; Christopher Pinney and Frank Spencer in Anthropology and. Photography 1860–1920, ed. Elizabeth Edwards (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); James Ryan, Picturing Umpire: Photography and the Visualisation of the British Empire (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1997) 148–55; Pinney, Camera Indica 50–53; Elizabeth Edwards, Raw Histories: Photography, Anthropology, and Museums (New York: Berg, 2001). Lavater, the father of physiognomy, is in fact invoked in at least one contemporary discussion of “reading” Indian faces from photographs: Anon., “Photography in Western India”, The Photographic News 1.23 (11 February, 1859) 265–6.
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• See also the widespread tendency to read pre-modern figural sculpture as mimetic, and therefore no less susceptible to ethnographic analysis than the bodies of living Indians: James Fergusson, Tree and Serpent Worship (London: W.H. Allen, 1868) 92–5, 224–6. As late as 1891 an ethnographic text could open with an analysis of the Buddhist sculptures at Sanchi third-century BCE onwards: H.H. Risley, The Tribes and (Pastes of Bengal (Calcutta: Bengal Secretariat Press, 1891).
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• Anonymous review of Nathaniel Halhed's A Code of Gentoo Laws (1776) in Phrenological Journal and Miscellany vol. 2 (1824–5) 257–8. The attribution of child-like qualities to Hindus on the basis of their perceived head-size was commonplace.
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• Alexander Cunningham, Report for the Year 1871–1872, Archaeological Survey of India Reports, vol. 4 (Delhi: Rahul Publishing House, 1994 [1873]) 87. On the nasal index see Pinney, Camera Indica, 62. Anthropomorphism and zoomorphism also permeate certain nineteenth-century descriptions of Egyptian antiquities, with metaphorical descriptions of architectural forms in terms of skulls and bones: Carol Armstrong, Scenes in a Library: Reading the Photograph in the Book 1843–1875 (Cambridge, MA.: The MIT Press, 1998) 306–7.
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• For a comparison between the forms of the human body and architectural form see Fergusson, History of Architecture vol. 1, 16.
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• Elizabeth Edwards, “Photographic ‘Types’: The Pursuit of Method”, Visual Anthropology vol. 3 (1990) 235–58.
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• On the contemporary tendency to identify any linguistic religious or ethnic group as a “race”, see. Stocking Race, Culture and Evolution 65. For Fergusson, “race” is equated with “persistent variety”: History of Architecture volume 1, 44 n.1.
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• James Cowles Prichard, “The Relations of Ethnology to Other Branches of Knowledge”, Journal of the Ethnological Society of London vol. 1 (1848) 302.
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• For Muslims as a distinct caste see John Briggs, Letters Addressed to a Young Person in India (London: John Murray, 1828) 117. Note, however, that some contemporaries questioned the rigidity with which caste divisions were observed: John Muir, “Notes on the Lax Observance of Caste Rules, and Other Features of Social and Religious Life in Ancient India”, The Indian Antiquary vol. 6 (1877) 251. See also Thomas R. Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj, The New Cambridge History of India, Volume III.4 (New Delhi: Cambridge University Press, 1998) 113–59.
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• Fergusson, On the Study of Indian Architecture, 10. See the insightful comments of Tanvir Hassan in Sultanate Period Architecture: Proceedings of the Seminar on the Sultanate Period Architecture in Pakistan (Lahore: Anjuman Mimaran, 1991) 15.
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• On the general problem of “hybridity” in nineteenth-century ethnography see Nancy Stepan, The Idea of Race in Science: Great Britain 1800–1960 (Hamden, Conn.: Archon Books, 1982) 68, 95. On the importance of the issue in colonial ethnographies of India see Pinney, Camera Indica, 53–6.
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• Fergusson, On the Study of Indian Architecture, 32.
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• James Fergusson, A History of Architecture in all Countries, From the Earliest Times to the Present Day, (London: John Murray, 1867) 2.
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• Cole, Architecture of Delhi, 8.
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• Thomas R. Metcalf, An Imperial Vision: Indian Architecture and Britain's Raj (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1989) 52.
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• Metcalf, Imperial Vision 36; Metcalf, Ideologies of the Raj, 9; Cohn, Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge, 42.
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• Anonymous review of Halhed's Code of Gentoo Laws, Phrenological Journal and Miscellany vol. 2 (1824–5) 261.
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• See among others, Thomas Daniell quoted in Mildred Archer, Early Views of India: The Picturesque Journeys of Thomas and William Daniell 1786–1794 (London: Thames & Hudson, 1980) text accompanying Fig. 88. For textual accounts of medieval Islamic iconoclasm see Richard H. Davis, Lives of Indian Images (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1997) 88–112. On the role of mosque and temple in disputes of the colonial era see Gyanendra Pandey, The Construction of Communalism in Colonial North India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1992) esp. ch. 2.
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• As Guha-Thakurta (“Archaeology as Evidence”, 24) notes, “thus, we find centuries of earlier mutations and transformations of Buddhist or Hindu structures receding before and freezing around the one cathartic blow of ‘Muslim ravage’.” For an example of the elision of the distinctions between damage to monuments, signifiers of violence, and the signified of violence itself, see the caption accompanying William Johnson's 1861 ethno-architectural photograph of the Karla Caves: Janet Dewan, “Delineating Antiquities and Remarkable Tribes: Photography for the Bombay and Madras Governments 1855–70”, History of Photography 16.4 (1992) 311, Fig. 9.
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• James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan vol. 2 (London: Oxford University Press, 1920 [1829]) 900.
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• On Fergusson's admiration for early Indo-Islamic architecture see Metcalf, Imperial Vision, 37–8. Even Tod, while castigating the reuse of temple columns in Ajmir, praises the great arched screen that was added to the façade of the prayer-hall shortly after the mosque's construction.
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• Address by Grant Duff to the Archaeological Section, Transactions of the Second Session of the International Congress of Orientalists, ed. Robert K. Douglas (London: Trübner & Co., 1876) 300.
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• Alexander Cunningham, “Four Reports Made During the Years 1862–63-64-65,” Archaeological Survey of India Reports vol. 1 (Delhi: Rahul Publishing House, 1994 [1871]) 187.
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• Such evidence includes the care taken with alterations to figural imagery, and the orchestration of colouristic effects by the alternation of red and yellow sandstone blocks: Finbarr Barry Flood, “Islam, Iconoclasm, and the Early Indian Mosque”, Demolishing Myths or Mosques and Temples? Readings on History and Temple Desecration in Medieval India, ed. Sunil Kumar (New Delhi: Three Essays Collective, forthcoming).
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• Cunningham, “Four Reports” 65, 354. See also van der Veer, Religious Nationalism, 161. Although such interpretations are rooted in colonial Realpolitik, and heavily inflected by racial theories articulated within the context of empire, it is important to stress that many of the pre-colonial Arabic and Persian histories of South Asia provide support for a triumphalist reading of Indo-Muslim architecture. The privileging of texts in the interpretation of such monuments is part of a broader phenomenon in the reconstruction of South Asian histories: Thomas R. Trautmann and Carla M. Sinopoli, “In the Beginning was the Word: Excavating the Relations Between History and Archaeology in South Asia”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 45.2 (2002) 492–523. For a critique of the textual hegemony in interpretations of some of the monuments mentioned here see Alka Arvind Patel, Islamic Architecture of Western India (mid- 12th-14th Centuries): Continuities and Interpretations (Cambridge, MA.: unpublished D.Phil, thesis, Harvard University, 2000). Ironically, it is only in the wake of the destruction of the Babri Mosque in 1992 that more analytical approaches to the question of iconoclasm and reuse have come to the fore: Richard M. Eaton, “Temple desecration and Indo-Muslim States”, Beyond Turk and Hindu: Rethinking Religious Identity in Islamicate South Asia, ed. David Gilmartin and Bruce Lawrence (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2000) 246–81; Sunil Kumar, “Qutb and Modern Memory”, The Partitions of Memory: The Afterlife of the Division of India, ed. Suvir Kaul (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2001) 140–82.
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• See Edward Said, Orientalism (New York: Vintage Books, 1979) 94.
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• See, for example, the engravings of Indian “types” accompanying William Hodges, Travels in India During the Years 1780, 1781, 1782, and 1783 (London: J. Edwards, 1794).
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• For the history of photographic ethnographies see Brij Bushan Sharma, “Typical Pictures of Indian Natives”, History of Photography 12.1 (1988) 77–82; Falconer, “Ethnographical Photography”.
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• For a comprehensive history of the project see John Falconer, “‘A Pure Labour of Love’, a Publishing History of The People of India”, Colonialist Photography: Imag(in)ing Race and Place, ed. Eleanor M. Hight and Gary D. Sampson (London: Routledge, 2002) 51–83. See also Ryan, Picturing Empire 155–8; Pinney, Camera Indica, 33–42. There are parallels in the totalising ethnographic project of Thomas Henry Huxley, who attempted to collect anthropometric photographs representative of all subjects of the Empire: Edwards, Raw Histories.
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• John Forbes Watson and John William Kaye, The People of India, vol. 1 (London: India Museum, 1868) preface.
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• ibid.
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• Regarding the contingent nature of photographic meaning see Allan Sekula, “On the Invention of Photographic Meaning”, Photography Against the Grain: Essays and Photo Works 1973–1983 (Halifax: The Press of the Nova Scotia College of Art and Design, 1984) esp. 4; Sekula, “Reading an Archive”, 117. One might even go so far as to suggest that the text endeavours to acquire some of the transparency that contemporaries attributed to the photographic medium. This phenomenon has been noted in contemporary European photographic publications on the Middle East: Armstrong, Scenes in a Library, 286–7.
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• ibid.
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• Cited in Partha Mitter, Much Maligned Monsters: The History of European Reactions to Indian Art (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1992) 248.
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• Watson & Kaye, People of India, vol. 4 (London: India) 198, emphasis mine.
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• ibid., 178. The authors of the letter-presses in The People of India were aware of contemporary scholarship, citing Burton's History of Sind for example in an entry on Two Sindees. John Forbes Watson & John William Kaye, The People of India, volume 6 (London: India Museum, 1872) 318.
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• Stocking, Victorian Anthropology, 124. One group that actively advocated iconoclasm in British India was missionaries, for whom the destruction of Hindu icons was an essential part of the conversion of temples into churches: Robert Eric Frykenberg, “Conversions and Crises of Conscience under Company Raj in South India”, Asie du Sud: Traditions et changements, Colloques Internationaux du C.N.R.S., (582, 1979) 318.
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• The entry on “Maulvees” in The People of India expresses the desire that as such subjects die out they will “give place to a more truly loyal race of descendants”. This aspiration towards change is at odds with the notion of an essential, unchanging Islam that enabled the genealogy of the violence read in native physiognomies after 1857 to be found in the flotsam of the medieval past. An entry in volume 3 of The People of India discusses Shair Ali Syud, “a Mahomedan of the Central Asia type”, explaining that on subjects of his class, “time and change, with all the adjuncts of modern civilization, make little progress”: Watson & Kaye, The People of India, vol. 3, (London: India Museum, 1868) 139. The ambiguity or ambivalence revealed here is a characteristic of colonial discourses, the classic study being Homi K. Bhabha's The Location of Culture (New York: Routledge, 1994).
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• See the representation of the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas in March 2001 as a “regression into medieval barbarism”, Flood, “Bamiyan”, 652.
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• See the many secondary sources (including some of those discussed here) that are drawn upon in Sita Ram Goel, Hindu Temples: What Happened to Them? (New Delhi: Voice of India, 1991).
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• Giles Tremlett, “Vatican rebuff to Spanish Muslims”, The Guardian, 3 May 2004, www.guardian.co.uk/international/story/0,3604,1208221,00.html On the history of the mosque see Jerrilynn D. Dodds, “The Great Mosque of Córdoba”, Al-Andalus: The Art of Islamic Spain, ed. Jerrilynn D. Dodds (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1992) 11–26. Interestingly, some Hindu Nationalists have seized upon the conversion of mosques and the appropriation of their sites in medieval Spain as example how history might be “undone”: Khanna, “Among the Believers”.
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