3 Strategic Imperatives and Regional Upheavals: On the US Factor in Greek-Turkish Relations

NOTES

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• Lynn-Jones , Sean M. 1997 . “Preface,” . In America's Strategic Choices Edited by: Brown , Michael E. , Cote , Owen R. Jr. , Lynn-Jones , Sean M. and Miller , Steven E. ix Cambridge, MA : TheMIT Press . (p
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• Sezer , Duygu B. 1996 . “Turkey in the New Security Environment in the Balkan and Black Sea Region,” in Mastny and Nation 74
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• Ibid 28
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• 2001 . During the Turkish economy contracted by 9.4 percent, resulting in over 1 million redundancies and forcing the government to agree to a painful IMF-sponsored economic stabilization program
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• Doğru Yol Partisi DYP The three parties in the coalition government saw their total vote fall to 14.7 percent from 53.4 percent in 1999. Additionally, the opposition leaders were voted out. Tansu Ciller's True Path Party won just 9.6 percent of the vote as compared to 12 percent in 1999.See Gareth Jenkins, “Muslim Democrats in Turkey?” Survival Vol.45, No.1 (Spring 2003), pp. 54–5. For further details, see Ali Çarkoğlu, “The Rise of the New Generation Pro-Islamists in Turkey: The Justice and Development Party Phenomenon in the November 2002 Elections in Turkey,” South European Society & Politics Vol.7, No. 1 2003 pp. 123–56
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• Tsakonas , Panayotis . 2001 . “Post-Cold War Security Dilemmas: Greece in Search of the Right Balancing Recipe,” . In Greece and Turkey After the End of the Cold War Edited by: Yallourides , Christodoulos P. and Tsakonas , Panayotis J. New York : Caratzas . See
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• Ifantis , Kostas . 2002 . “The New Role of Greece in the Regional System: Trends, Challenges and Capabilities,” . In Greece in the European Union: The New Role and the New Agenda Edited by: Ioakimidis , Panayotis C. 258 Athens : MPMM . At the same time, the “internal balancing” needs were catered to through a series of decisions in favor of rapid change and improvement of the Greek security and defense planning system. The focus has been on overall strategic planning and reshaping defense doctrine, the restructuring of the armed forces, military spending and military diplomacy. Regarding the Defense Doctrine, the solution to the strategic dilemma that Greece faced was the adoption of a “flexible response,” meaning the creation of additional choices in crisis management. The theoretical elaboration of the new doctrine is still in process, since it is a multifaceted matter of major political and strategic significance with multiple parameters and consequences. Concerning armaments, the defense doctrine revision required the intensification of defense efforts, that is, an increase in the amount of resources devoted to defense. In 1996, an armaments program worth almost £15 billion was agreed upon and implemented in the following five years. In 2000, a second five-year (2001–5) program was agreed upon, which, if implemented in full, will amount to more than £20 billion. Throughout this period, Greek military procurement put exclusive emphasis on the acquisition of modern weaponry and the development of high quality defense capabilities (C4, force multipliers, etc.). See in (p
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• Ifantis , Kostas . “Perception and Rapprochement: Debating a Greek Strategy Towards Turkey,” . In Greek-Turkish Relations: Overcoming the Security Dilemma in the Aegean Edited by: Aydin , Mustafa and Ifantis , Kostas . London and Portland, OR : Frank Cass . There is, of course, anotherextremely hawkishschool of thought. Some have suggested that a containment strategy would be a more realistic way to deal with Turkey. The goal of such a policy would be to avoid an increase in Turkey's political, economic and diplomatic power relative to that of Greece. This would include efforts to slow down the development of Turkey's relations with the EU, thus limiting the expansion of its influence. Containment assumes that allowing Turkey to expand its relations with Europe will not change its behavior but rather will embolden its leadership, making an eventual clash with Greece even more likely. Thus, even modest progress in EU-Turkish relations should be resisted. Under containment, all elements of Turkish-Greek relations would be subordinate to the goal of preventing the growth of Turkey's European (and international) standing. See in (forthcoming)
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• Stephen Larrabee , F. and Lesser , Ian O. 2003 . Turkish Foreign Policy in an Age of Uncertainty 72 Santa Monica, CA : Rand .
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• I would like to thank Ali Çarkoğlu for highlighting this point
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• Ibid 6
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• Ibid 561
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• Ibid 7
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