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Original Articles

Taiwan's Perspective on China's “One Belt, One Road” Strategy

  • Wang Yiwei, “Yi Dai Yi Lii:. Ti Yu Yu Tiao Zhan” [One Belt, One Road: Chances and Challenges] (Beijing: People's Publishing House), 18–20, 38–40.
  • Avery Goldstein, Rising to the Challenge: China's Grand Strategy and International Security’ (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2005).
  • ETtoday News Cloud, “Zan Cheng Tai Wan Jia Ru Ya Tou Hang, Ma Ying Jiu Ti San Ge Li You” [Ma Yingjeou Pointed Out Three Reasons to Explain Why Taiwan Should Join the AIIB], Dong Sen Xin Wen Yun [ETtoday News Cloud] (March 27, 2015) <http://www.ettoday.net/news/20150327/484672.htm?feature=88&tab_id=89> (searched date: 30 May 2016).
  • For a more detailed description of the 2014 Sunflower Movement in Taiwan, refer to Ming-sho Ho, “Occupy Congress in Taiwan: Political Opportunity, Threat, and the Sunflower Movement,” Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (January 1,2015): 69–97.
  • For the full text of Tsai's inaugural address in Chinese and English, refer to: http://www.cna.com.tw/news/firstnews/201605205012-1.aspx.
  • For brevity, I choose not to cite most of the materials I use in this section since they are all in Traditional Chinese. All these materials can be easily found by searching for “One Belt, One Road” () or “AIIB” () in Taiwan's main Internet portals and search engines.
  • As for the potential financial leverage and conflict between China and the United States, refer to Daniel W. Drezner, “Bad Debts: Assessing China's Financial Influence in Great Power Politics,” International Security 34, no. 2 (2009): 7–45.
  • Lin Zehong, “Lu Bu Ru TPP, GDP Kong Sun Shi 2.2 %” [If China Does Not Join TPP, It May Lose about 2.2% of Its GDP] Jing Ji Ri Bao [Economic Daily News], (October 10, 2015), at <http://money.udn.com/money/story/5603/1240011-%E9%99%B8%E4%B8%8D%E5%85%A5TPP-GDP%E6%81%90%E6%90%8D%E5%A4%B12.2%EF%BC%85> (searched date: 30 May 2016).
  • Bob Davis, 2014/11/2, “U.S. Blocks China Efforts to Promote Asia Trade Pact,” The Wall Street Journal, at <http://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-blocks-china-efforts-to-promote-asia-trade-pact-1414965150> (searched date: 30 May 2016).
  • Wen-Chin Wu, Hsin-Hsin Pan, and Ronan Tse-min Fu. “China's Economic Weight on the Scale of Sino-US Confrontation—Evidence from the United Nations General Assembly Voting Data,” Paper presented in the Workshop on “East Asia in Global Politics,” Center for Asia-Pacific Area Studies (CAPAS), RCHSS, Academia Sinica, May 23rd, 2016; Chienwu (Alex) Hsueh and Shengya (Amanda) Lai, “Analyzing China's State-Visiting Public Diplomacy in the Post-Deng Era,” Paper presented in the Workshop on “East Asia in Global Politics,” Center for Asia-Pacific Area Studies (CAPAS), RCHSS, Academia Sinica, May 23, 2016.
  • Thomas Oatley, International Political Economy, 5 edition (Boston: Pearson, 2011), 40.
  • Anne O. Krueger, “Are Preferential Trading Arrangements Trade-Liberalizing or Protectionist?,” The Journal of Economic Perspectives 13, no. 4 (1999): 105–24; Daniel Y. Kono, “Optimal Obfuscation: Democracy and Trade Policy Transparency,” The American Political Science Review 100, no. 3 (2006): 369–84.
  • Daniel Y. Kono, “When Do Trade Blocs Block Trade?,” International Studies Quarterly 51, no. 1 (2007): 165–81.
  • There is huge amount of missing data about the trade flow between Taiwan and the other participating countries. This does not mean that the data is missing, but that the trade flows between Taiwan and these countries are too sparse be regularly measured.
  • Ali M. El-Agraa, ed., The Economics of the European Community (London: Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1994); Krueger, “Are Preferential Trading Arrangements Trade-Liberalizing or Protectionist?,” 111.
  • Wang Yiwei, 2015, 7.
  • For a more detailed literature review of regionalism, refer to the popular textbook: Robert Gilpin, Global Political Economy: Understanding the International Economic Order (Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 2001), 341–62. For a more updated reference, see Carlos Closa, Lorenzo Casini, and Omri Sender, Comparative Regional Integration: Governance and Legal Models (Cambridge, United Kingdom: Cambridge University Press, 2016).
  • Charles P. Kindleberger, The World in Depression, 1929–1939 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973); Charles P. Kindleberger, “Dominance and Leadership in the International Economy: Exploitation, Public Goods, and Free Rides,” International Studies Quarterly 25, no. 2 (June 1, 1981): 242–54; author Stephen D, “State Power and the Structure of International Trade,” World Politics 28, no. 3 (1976): 317–47; David A. Lake, “Leadership, Hegemony, and the International Economy: Naked Emperor or Tattered Monarch with Potential?,” International Studies Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1993): 459–89.
  • Robert Mark Spaulding, “German Trade Policy in Eastern Europe, 1890–1990: Preconditions for Applying International Trade Leverage,” International Organization 45, no. 3 (July 1, 1991): 343–68.
  • Emilie M. Hafner-Burton and Alexander H. Montgomery, “Power or Plenty: How Do International Trade Institutions Affect Economic Sanctions?,” The Journal of Conflict Resolution 52, no. 2 (April 1, 2008): 217.
  • Ibid., 219.
  • Edward D. Mansfield and Jon C. Pevehouse, “Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict,” International Organization 54, no. 4 (October 1, 2000): 775–808.
  • Edward D. Mansfield, Jon C. Pevehouse, and David H. Bearce, “Preferential Trading Arrangements and Military Disputes,” Security' Studies 9, no. 1–2 (September 1, 1999): 92–118; David H. Bearce, “Grasping the Commercial Institutional Peace,” International Studies Quarterly 47, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 347–70.
  • Mansfield and Pevehouse, “Trade Blocs, Trade Flows, and International Conflict”; Edward D. Mansfield, “Preferential Peace: Why Preferential Trading Arrangements Inhibit Interstate Conflict,” in Economic Interdependence and International Conflict: New Perspectives on an Enduring Debate (Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan University Press, 2003), 222–36.
  • Goldstein, Rising to the Challenge; Aaron L. Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy: China, America, and the Stmggle for Mastery in Asia (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2011); Thomas J. Christensen, The China Challenge: Shaping the Choices of a Rising Power (New York: W. W. Norton & Company, 2015).
  • Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy, Andrew J. Nathan and Andrew Scobell, China s Search for Security (Columbia University Press, 2012); Christensen, The China Challenge.
  • Wu Huaizhong, “Dang Dai Ri Ben De Ya Tai Zhan Lue” [Japan's Contemporary Strategy toward the Asia-Pacific Region], in Zhou Fangyin, ed., Da Guo De Ya Tai Zhan Lue [Asia-Pacific Strategies of Great Powers] (Beijing: She Hui Ke Xue Wen Xian Chu Ban She, 2013), 89–133; Michael Green, “Japan's Role in Asia: Searching for Certainty,” in International Relations of Asia, 2nd edition (New York, NY: Rowman & Littlefield, 2014), 197–222.
  • Friedberg had talked about this possibility. See Friedberg, A Contest for Supremacy, 182–214.
  • Robert C. Feenstra, Robert Inklaar, and Marcel R Timmer, “The Next Generation of the Perm World Table,” American Economic Review 105, no. 10 (October 2015): 3150–82.
  • Taiwan's trade partner data is derived from http://long.taiwanstat.com/trade/.
  • William Lowther, “US Passes Resolution that Outlines Ties with Taiwan,” Taipei Times (May 18, 2016), at <http://ww.taipeitimes.com/News/front/archives/2016/05/18/2003646514> (searched date: 30 May 2016); Joseph Yeh, “US, Japan Congratulate Taiwan's First Female President Tsai on Inauguration,” The China Post (May 20, 2016) at <http://www.asianews.network/content/us-japan-congratulate-taiwan%E2%80%99s-first-female-president-tsai-inauguration-17517> (searched date: 30 May 2016); Stacy Hsu, “Tsai, Japan Made ‘Black-Box Agreement,’ KMT Says,” Taipei Times (May 25, 2016) at <http://www.taipeitimes.com/News/taiwan/archives/2016/05/25/2003647079> (searched date: 30 May 2016).

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