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Articles and Studies

Aspects of Everyday Life in Frankish AcreFootnote

David JacobyHebrew University of Jerusalem
Pages 73-105 | Published online: 17 Feb 2023

  • On the urban development and the quarters of crusader Acre, see David Jacoby, “Crusader Acre in the Thirteenth Century: Urban Layout and Topography,” Studi medievali 3a serie, 20 (1979), 1–45; Da¬vid Jacoby, “Montmusard, Suburb of Crusader Acre: the First Stage of its Development,” in Outremer, pp. 205–17; David Jacoby, “Les communes italiennes et les Ordres militaires à Acre: aspects juridiques, territoriaux et militaires (1104–1187, 1191–1291),” in Michel Balard, ed., Etat et colonisation au Moyen Age (Lyon, 1989), pp. 193–214; David Jacoby, “L’évolution urbaine et la fonction méditerranéenne d’Acre à l’époque des croisades,” in Ennio Poleggi, ed., Città portuali del Mediterraneo, storia e archeologia. Atti del Convegno Internazionale di Genova 1985 (Genoa, 1989), pp. 95–109. The first two papers are reprinted in David Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States and on Venetian Expansion (Northampton, 1989), nos. V and VI, respectively; the last two appear in idem, Trade, Commodities and Shipping in the Medieval Mediterranean (Aldershot, 1997), nos. VI and V, respectively. Some of the views expressed in these studies have been revised in the present one in the light of new evidence. Benjamin Z. Kedar, “The Outer Walls of Frankish Acre,” ’Atiqot 31 (1997) [=’Akko (Acre): Excavations Reports and Historical Studies], 157–80, argues that Frankish Acre extended well beyond the territory ascribed to it by previous studies. His approach has been partly vindicated by some recent archaeological finds, yet various problems await further clarification.
  • On the two maps and their sources from the last decade of Frankish rule, see Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 2–7. The Venetian Marino Sanudo commissioned the Vesconte map. For further evidence on his presence in Acre in 1286, see David Jacoby, “Three Notes on Crusader Acre,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 109 (1993), 95 and n. 76.
  • An extensive survey of buildings within the walls of the present-day Old City of Acre has been carried out under the direction of architect Alex Kesten: see his Acre, The Old City. Survey and Planning (Jerusalem, 1962); repr. in Bernard Dichter, The Maps of Acre. An Historical Cartography (Acre, 1973), pp. 70–98. Alex Kesten, The Old City of Acre. Re-examination Report 1993 (Acre [?], 1993), offers further evidence from the survey and a revised interpretation of the findings. Unfortunately, Kesten’s use of historical data in these works is totally unreliable and led him to erroneous conclusions. Kesten distinguished between pre-1291 and later structures, yet a more refined survey may possibly enable a differentiation between pre-Frankish and Frankish structures. On some recent excavations, see below.
  • Cart Hosp, 1:582, no. 917 (RRH, no. 698); Cart Hosp, 1:617, no. 972 (RRH, no. 717). Jonathan Riley-Smith, “Guy of Lusignan, the Hospitallers and the Gates of Acre,” in Michel Balard, Benjamin Z. Kedar and Jonathan Riley-Smith, eds., Dei gesta per Francos. Études sur les croisades dédiées à Jean Richard (Aldershot, 2001), pp. 111–15, deals with these two charters. The first one refers to the “districtionem et parvitatem platee domorum Hospitalis acconensis, et domos officiorum fratrum extra curiam et clausuram domus hospitalis.” This passage clearly underlines the existence of scattered possessions around the enclosed nucleus of the Order and the latter’s efforts to establish territorial continuity between them: see Jacoby, “Les communes italiennes,” p” pp. 201–202.
  • On the various sections of the compound, see Eliezer Stern, “Excavations in Crusader Acre (1990–1999),” in Maria Stella Calò Mariani, ed., Il cammino di Gerusalemme, Atti del II Convegno Internazionale di Studio (Bari-Brindisi-Trani, 18–22 maggio 1999), Rotte mediterranee della cultura 2 (Bari, 2002), pp. 163–68, a shortened English version of the author’s study originally published in Hebrew: “The Center of the Hospitaller Order in Acre,” Qadmoniot 33 (2000), 4–13. The plan of the compound drawn by Raanan Kislev, printed in the latter volume between pp. 16 and 17, fig. 1, ascribes the crypt of St John to the early thirteenth century. Riley-Smith, “Guy of Lusignan, the Hospitallers and the Gates of Acre,” p. 111, hypothesizes that it was built before 1187. Decisive evidence for its later dating is provided by its foliated keystones, of a type that first appeared in the Ile-de France in the 1220s–1230s. Similar keystones have been found in the church built in the suburb of Chastel-Pèlerin in the 1230s or later and at Montfort, the castle of the Teutonic Order, the construction of which was initiated in 1226 or 1227, pursued after a short interruption and completed at an unknown date before 1240. On this type of keystone, see Zehava Jacoby, “The Impact of Northern French Gothic on Crusader Sculpture in the Holy Land,” in Hans Belting, ed., Il Medio Oriente e l’Occidente nell’arte del XIII secolo, Atti del XXIV Congresso internazionale di storia dell’arte 2 (Bologna, 1975), p. 125 and figs. 110–12. On Chastel-Pèlerin and Montfort, see Denys Pringle, The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem. A Corpus (Cambridge, 1993–), 1:75–79, esp. 75 and 78, fig. XLI, and 2:40–43, respectively.
  • The western addition is buried under still-occupied Ottoman houses, yet the style of two of its engaged Gothic capitals above ground level points to the 1220s–1230s. The location of this addition west of a line going southwards from the Gate of the Hospital appears to coincide, at least partly, with the territory granted to the Hospitallers in 1192. I shall return elsewhere to this issue. The enlargement or reconstruction of the Order’s church in Gothic style seems to be contemporary with the constructions just mentioned: see next note. On an excavated section of the church beneath the Serai, see Eliezer Stern, “’Akko, the Old City,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 109 (1999), 11–12, and map in the Hebrew section, 15, fig. 17; another section of the church has recently been uncovered: see Eliezer Stern, “The Church of St John in Acre,” Crusades 3 (2004), 183.
  • See Jacoby, “Les communes italiennes,” pp. 202–204.
  • Marie-Luise Favreau, Studien zur Frühgeschichte des Deutschen Ordens, Kieler historische Studien, Band 21 (Stuttgart, 1974), pp. 44–46, states that the German knights erected new buildings on vacant land soon after the Frankish recovery of Acre. Given conditions in the city at that time, it seems very unlikely that the Germans could have succeeded in doing so within less than the seven months extending between the city’s reconquest in July 1191 and February 1192, when Guy of Lusignan mentioned these buildings, including one serving as a hospital. Since the charter he delivered to the Germans mentions the grant of the land on which the buildings stood, these must have already existed prior to 1187. See Jacoby, “Les communes italiennes,” pp. 206–207 and 213, n. 62.
  • Its location appears to be more accurate on Paolino’s map, where it is depicted as close to the seashore, than on Vesconte’s, as evidenced by the Frankish buildings identified by the Kesten survey: see his map of Crusader remains in Acre, The Old City; repr. in Dichter, The Maps of Acre, p. 72.
  • See Meron Benvenisti, The Crusaders in the Holy Land (Jerusalem, 1970), pp. 259–61; idem, “Bovaria-babriyya: A Frankish Residue on the Map of Palestine,” in Outremer, pp. 132–34.
  • This suggestion is strengthened by the later connection of two areas in Montmusard called boveria or bovaria with the Templars, on which see below. On the location of the Templar compound, see Jacoby, “Les communes italiennes,” pp. 204–206.
  • See Kesten, Acre, The Old City, pp. 18–19; repr. in Dichter, The Maps of Acre, pp. 78–80, and Kesten, The Old City of Acre, pp. 57–58 and map 14. However, this was not the burgus novus, as stated by that author. The appellation was applied to the suburb: see Jacoby, “Montmusard,” p. 208.
  • On that pressure, see Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 44, and idem, “Montmusard,” p. 210.
  • Ernst Strehlke, ed., Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici (Berlin, 1869), pp. 57–58, no. 73 (RRH, no. 1020).
  • See Danny Syon and Ayyelet Tatcher, “’Akko, Ha-Abirim Parking Lot,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 20 (2000), 11–17 (English section); for plan and illustrations, see the Hebrew section, 17–24.
  • New edition of the charter by D. Abulafia, “The Anconitan Privileges in the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Levant Trade of Ancona,” in Gabriella Airaldi and Benjamin Z. Kedar, eds., I comuni italiani nel regno crociato di Gerusalemme, Collana storica di fonti e studi, diretta da Geo Pistarino 48 (Genoa, 1986), pp. 560–63, esp. 562–63. The precise location of the area is not mentioned, yet its siting in Montmusard is obvious, considering the following factors: the Genoese garden is described as being close to the city wall and the seashore, which the Genoese quarter did not reach; there is no evidence of such a Genoese garden in the Old City; finally and more decisively, the Anconitans were promised that they would be allowed to transit with their goods free of charge through the nearest gate under royal authority, obviously from and to the harbour, which clearly implies that the site was not in the Old City.
  • Charter of 1273 ed. by Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, “The Teutonic Knights in Acre after the Fall of Montfort (1271): Some Reflections,” in Outremer, pp. 283–84: “dedenz le jardin qui fu dou chastiau.”
  • On which, see previous note.
  • Laura Minervini, ed., Cronaca del Templare di Tiro (1243–1314). La caduta degli Stati Crociati nel racconto di un testimone oculare (Naples, 2000), p. 214, no. 261, and p. 218, no. 263.
  • On this quarter, see Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 15–19.
  • The Hospitaller compound also had a large courtyard, visible today, which apparently was not the case of the Templars.
  • See Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 19–36; idem, “Les communes italiennes,” pp. 194–98.
  • On the suburb before 1187, see Jacoby, “Montmusard,” pp. 205–208.
  • For the dating of the construction, see the Appendix to this study, pp. 99–102.
  • Vesconte’s map is undoubtedly more accurate than Paolino’s in this respect, as proven by documentary evidence. Vesconte’s map in Oxford, Bodleian Library MS. 10,016 (Tanner 190), fol. 207r, has the erroneous inscription Ruga Sancti Forie: see Jacoby, “Montmusard,” p. 209.
  • See Alan Forey, “The Military Order of St Thomas of Acre,” English Historical Review 92 (1977), 481–95; repr. in idem, Military Orders and Crusades (Aldershot, 1994), no. XII. On the vicus Anglorum and its location, see David Jacoby, “Some Unpublished Seals from the Latin East,” Israel Numismatic Journal 5 (1981), 87–88; David Jacoby, “Pilgrimage in Crusader Acre: The Pardouns dAcre,” in Yitzhak Hen, ed., De Sion exibit lex et verbum domini de Hierusalem. Essays on Medieval Law, Liturgy and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linder, Cultural Encounters in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages 1 (Turnhout, 2001), pp. 110–11.
  • For the dating, see below, Appendix.
  • Venice, Marciana, MS Z. lat 399 (colloc. 1610), fol. 84v. The inscription has been distorted in the two other copies. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS Lat. 4939, fol. 113v, has albergum hospicium, and Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Palat. lat. 1362, fol. 9r (here Fig. 2), [?]bazium Hospi[talis]. The maps of the first two copies are reproduced in Joshua Prawer, “Historical Maps of Akko,” Eretz Israel 2 (1953), 175–84 (Hebrew), Pl. XXI, fig. 2 and Pl. XXII, fig. 1, respectively.
  • Sebastiano Paoli, Codice diplomatico del sacro militare ordine gerosolimitano oggi di Malta (Lucca, 1733–37),1: 287, no. 8 (RRH, no. 746). The gate’s name is attested only once. On the porta nova, see Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 21, n. 103.
  • Lucien Auvray, ed., Les registres de Grégoire IX, Bibliothèque des Écoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e série (Paris 1896–1955), 2:col. 843–44, no. 4014.
  • Comte de Marsy, “Fragment d’un cartulaire de l’ordre de Saint Lazare en Terre Sainte,” AOL 2 (1884), part B, 155–57, no. 39. For the location of St Lazarus “of the knights,” see Jacoby, “Pilgrimage in Crusader Acre,” pp. 110–11. Paolino’s map (Fig. 2) is less reliable. It locates the boveria Templi further south along the double wall and to the south-east of the Rua or Ruga de Saforie.
  • However, one should not rule out an earlier transfer and the persistence of the old name for some time, like that of Boverel, on which see above,
  • A charter issued by Guy of Lusignan in 1189 mentions a domus Templi in an area corresponding to the burgus Templi, close to the Gate of the Bath of the Old City: Giuseppe Müller, ed., Documenti sulle relazioni delle città toscane coll’Oriente cristiano e coi Turchi fino all’anno MDXXXI (Florence, 1879), p. 38, no. 32. However, since that charter may be a forgery or its topographical data may have been changed between 1192 and 1200, it is unclear whether the house indeed existed in 1189, or whether it was built after 1191: see Jacoby, “Montmusard,” pp. 208–10. A house in the burgus Templi is mentioned in the will of the Syrian Saliba, drafted in 1264: Cart Hosp 3:91, no. 3105.
  • See Adrian J. Boas, “A Rediscovered Market Street in Frankish Acre?” ’Atiqot 31 (1997), 181–86. Its location is presently occupied by a police station built in the period of the British mandate over Palestine and by a health clinic, some 50 metres from the sea and some 210 metres north of the present-day Old City. See the reproduction of the photographs in Kedar, “The Outer Walls of Frankish Acre,” 163, figs. 3 and 4.
  • The property held by the monastery of the Holy Trinity in 1237 included “vineam quoque, ortum et terram cultam et incultam, turrim et domos in eis edificatas”: see above, n. 30.
  • For the following two paragraphs, see Jacoby, “Three Notes,” 88–91.
  • Personal communication from Eliezer Stern, Archeological Supervisor for Western Galilee, Israel Antiquities Authority. See Miriam Avissar and Eliezer Stern, “’Akko, the Old City,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 14 (1995), 24–25, on the drainage system beneath the Hospitaller compound, and 18 (1998), 14, on the “Templar” tunnel; for the recently excavated neighbourhood, see above, n. 15.
  • See David Jacoby, “Pèlerinage médiéval et sanctuaires de Terre Sainte: la perspective vénitienne,” Ateneo veneto 173 (n.s. 24) (1986), 27–30, repr. in Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States, no. IV; idem, “Pilgrimage in Crusader Acre,” pp. 105–107; David Jacoby, “Il ruolo di Acri nel pellegrinaggio a Gerusalemme,” in Calò Mariani, Il cammino di Gerusalemme, pp. 31–50.
  • “Ioanna Foki Skazanie vkratce o gorodach i stranach ot Antiochii do Ierusalima,” ed. I. Trojckij, Pravoslavnyi Palestinskij Sbornik 8/2 (fasc. 23) (1889), 6, chap. 9. English trans. by Aubrey Stewart, The Pilgrimage of Joannes Phokas in the Holy Land, PPTS, 5/3 (London, 1896), p. 11, used here; slightly different trans. in John Wilkinson with Joyce Hill and W.F. Ryan, eds., Jerusalem Pilgrimage, 1099–1185, Hakluyt Society, Second Series 167 (London, 1988), p. 319.
  • The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, trans. Ronald J.C. Broadhurst (London, 1951), p. 318.
  • Imad ad-Din in Abu Shama, “Livre des Deux Jardins,” RHC Or, 4:296. Although sugar was usually processed in the vicinity of the fields growing sugar cane, there were also some refineries in cities. A large one is attested in Cairo in 1240: see Shelomo D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society. The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 6 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967–93), 1:81, 367, no. 26.
  • I shall deal with them elsewhere.
  • See David Jacoby, “Mercanti genovesi e veneziani e le loro merci nel Levante crociato,” in Genova, Venezia, il Levante nei secoli XII–XIV. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi, Genova–Venezia, 10–14 marzo 2000, ed. by Gherardo Ortalli and Dino Puncuh = Atti della Società Ligure di Storia Patria, n.s. XLI (CXV)/1 (Venice, 2001), p. 249. High-grade soap produced in Acre was exported to Alexandria and Montpellier, according to a trade manual compiled in Acre around 1270; on which see David Jacoby, “A Venetian Manual of Commercial Practice from Crusader Acre,” in Airaldi and Kedar, I comuni italiani, pp. 403–28, repr. in Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States, no. VII.
  • The tanneries are attested in 1253 and 1273: Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, p. 83, no. 104 (instead of tavaria, read tanaria), and Cart Hosp 3:296–97, no. 3514 (respectively RRH, nos. 1207 and 1389). The property mentioned in the first document was located in the vicinity of the monastery of the Holy Trinity, which itself was situated close to the church of St Catherine, according to a letter of Pope Gregory IX: see above, n. 30.
  • There is abundant evidence in that respect. See The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, pp. 317, 325, for 1184. Three stones bearing the inscription IANVA, which located the boundaries of a rural estate belonging to the Commune of Genoa in 1255, have been found north-east of Acre. The property was adjacent to a vineyard of the Templars and a field of the Hospitallers, all within a range of around 8 kilometres from Acre: see Rafael Frankel, “Three Crusader Boundary Stones from Kibbutz Shomrat,” Israel Exploration Journal 30 (1980), 199–201, with map.
  • The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, p. 325.
  • For this paragraph, see Jacoby, “Il ruolo di Acri nel pellegrinaggio,” pp. 38–39; David Jacoby, “Society, Culture and the Arts in Crusader Acre,” in Daniel H. Weiss, ed., France and the Holy Land: Frankish Culture at the End of the Crusades (Baltimore, 2004, pp. 98–100).
  • See Cyril Aslanov, “Languages in Contact in the Latin East: Acre and Cyprus,” Crusades 1 (2002), 156–75, 180–81.
  • See Laura Minervini, “La lingua franca mediterranea. Plurilinguismo, mistilinguismo, pidginizzazione sulle coste del Mediterraneo tra tardo medioevo e prima età moderna,” Medioevo Romanzo 20 (1996), 237–39, 244–45. On the quarters, see Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 19–36.
  • On the possessions of the Teutonic Order, see Jacoby, “Les communes italiennes,” pp. 207–208. On the English neighbourhood, see above, n. 26.
  • See Léon Le Grand, “La prière des malades dans les hôpitaux de l’Ordre de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem,” Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes 57 (1896), 325–38, esp. 329–32, for dating and location.
  • On which see below, n. 116.
  • See Jacoby, “Three Notes,” 83–88. Those in Montmusard are attested in the second half of the thirteenth century, yet for lack of evidence it is impossible to determine when they were established there.
  • For the latter, see Robert Irwin, “The Supply of Money and the Direction of Trade in Thirteenth-Century Syria,” in Peter W. Edbury and David Michael Metcalf, eds., Coinage in the Latin East. The Fourth Symposium on Coinage and Monetary History, British Archaeological Reports, International Series 77 (Oxford, 1980), pp. 74--75; also, Jacoby, “Society, Culture and the Arts,” pp. 102--104.
  • Alice-Mary Talbot, “Byzantine Pilgrimage to the Holy Land from the Eighth to the Fifteenth Century,” in Joseph Patrich, ed., The Sabaite Heritage in the Orthodox Church from the Fifth Century to the Present, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 98 (Leuven, 2001), pp. 97--110, esp. 101--107, deals with individual cases; for a broader perspective, see Jacoby, “Society, Culture and the Arts,” pp. 104--105.
  • See David Jacoby, “Byzantine Trade with Egypt from the Mid-Tenth Century to the Fourth Crusade,” Thesaurismata 30 (2000), 62--64.
  • See Aslanov, “Languages in Contact,” 156--67, esp. 157--58.
  • On their trade, see below, n. 89. Also Jean Richard, “La confrérie des Mosserins d’Acre et les marchands de Mossoul au XIIIe siècle,” L’Orient syrien 11 (1966), 451--60; repr. in idem, Orient et Occident au Moyen Age: contacts et relations (XIIe–XVe s.) (London, 1976), no. XI. On the settlement of Nestorians in Acre after 1261, see David Jacoby, “The Kingdom of Jerusalem and the Collapse of Hohenstaufen Power in the Levant,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 40 (1986), 99, n. 112; repr. in Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States, no. III.
  • Marcus N. Adler, ed. and trans., The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (London, 1907), Hebrew, p. 21, trans., p. 19. Benjamin was in Antioch and Gibelet (Jubail) in 1163: see David Jacoby, “Benjamin of Tudela in Byzantium,” in Peter Schreiner and Olga Strakhov, eds., Chryse Porta/ Zlatyia Vrata: Essays presented to Ihor Ðevèenko on his Eightieth Birthday by his Colleagues and Students, Palaeoslavica 10/1 (Cambridge, Mass., 2002), p. 181. He afterwards proceeded southwards, yet we do not know how much time elapsed until he reached Acre.
  • Joshua Prawer, The History of the Jews in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Oxford, 1988), refers to the Jews of Acre, yet his location of their residences (pp. 103, 262--64), must be rejected. I shall return to that issue elsewhere. In the meantime, see below, n. 64.
  • See Jacoby, “Society, Culture and the Arts,” p. 102.
  • See Robert Irwin, “The Image of the Byzantine and the Frank in Arab Popular Literature of the Late Middle Ages,” Mediterranean Historical Review 4 (1989), 232–33.
  • The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, p. 318.
  • See David Jacoby, “The fonde of Crusader Acre and its Tariff. Some New Considerations,” in Balard, Kedar, Jonathan Riley-Smith, eds., Dei gesta per Francos, pp. 287–89; for evidence on the scattered residence of non-Franks in Acre, see Jacoby, “Three Notes,” 83–88, esp. 87–88.
  • Giles Constable, Introduction to the Apologia de barbis in Robert B.C. Huygens, ed., Apologiae duae. Gozechini epistola ad Walcherum. Burchardi, ut videtur, abbatis Bellevalis Apologia de barbis, CCCM 62 (Turnhout, 1985), pp. 94–102. References to shaving and beards appear in a treatise composed within the two decades preceding 1187: Benjamin Z. Kedar, ed., “The Tractatus de locis et statu sancte terre ierosolimitane,” in Crusade Sources, p. 124, and for its dating, see ibid., p. 119. See depictions of Frankish men in Silvia Rozenberg, ed., Knights of the Holy Land. The Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem (Jerusalem, 1999), pp. 125–26, 128, figs. 1–2, 4–6, a sculpted head from the castle of Montfort belonging to the Teutonic Order, a scene in the Boulogne manuscript of William of Tyre’s Histoire d’Outremer, executed in Acre, and knights on three ceramic bowls belonging to the group of Port St Symeon ware, manufactured in the area of Frankish Antioch. On two of the bowls and this group, see Edna J. Stern, “Excavation of the Courthouse Site at ’Akko: The Pottery of the Crusader and Ottoman Periods,” ’Atiqot 31(1997), 56–58. For a depiction of a bearded Jew, see below, n. 77.
  • Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, p. 200, § 244: “tuerent pluissors Suriens qui porteent barbes et estoient de la ley de Gresse, que pour lor barbes les tuerent en change de Sarazins.”
  • Ibn al-Athir, “Kamel Altevarykh,” RHC Or, 2/1:59. In the Muslim world rulers granted since the ninth century a robe of honour or several clothing items to those they wished to distinguish, whether subjects or foreigners. The Franks were well acquainted with this practice, common in Egypt in the Fatimid and later periods: see Paula Sanders, “Robes of Honor in Fatimid Egypt,” in Stewart Gordon, ed., Robes of Honor. The Medieval World of Investiture (New York, 2001), pp. 225–39. On the sharbush, see Leo A. Mayer, Mamluk Costume, a Survey (Geneva, 1952), pp. 27–28.
  • Edition of the tariff by Arthur A. Beugnot, “Livre des Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois,” in RHC, Lois, 2:173–81, chaps. 242–43. On its nature, content and the dating of its sections, see Jacoby, “The fonde of Crusader Acre,” pp. 283–93.
  • Imports from Antioch to Acre are attested by the tariff (see previous note): RHC, Lois, 2:179, chap. 243, pars. 8–9. This section of the Acre tariff belongs to the post-1191 period. On the nature of Antioch’s silks, see David Jacoby, “Silk crosses the Mediterranean,” in Gabriella Airaldi, ed., Le vie del Mediterraneo. Idee, uomini, oggetti (secoli XI–XVI), Università degli studi di Genova. Collana dell’Istituto di storia del medioevo e dell’espansione europea 1 (Genoa, 1997), pp. 63–64; repr. in David Jacoby, Byzantium, Latin Romania and the Mediterranean (Aldershot, 2001), no. X.
  • The Travels of Ibn Jubayr, pp. 320–21.
  • Marco Polo, Il Milione. Prima edizione integrale, ed. F. Benedetto (Florence, 1928), pp. 17–18.
  • See David Jacoby, “Silk Economics and Cross-Cultural Artistic Interaction: Byzantium, the Muslim World and the Christian West,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58 (2004), 234–35.
  • Incidentally, individuals living under Muslim rule bought shoes in Acre: see Jacoby, “The fonde of Crusader Acre,” pp. 280, 291–93.
  • See David Jacoby, “New Venetian Evidence on Crusader Acre,” in The Experience of Crusading, 2: Defining the Crusader Kingdom, ed. Peter Edbury and Jonathan Phillips, eds., (Cambridge, 2003), 2:254–55.
  • Urban T. Holmes, “Life among the Europeans in Palestine and Syria in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” in Setton, Crusades, 4:22–23, is far from exhausting the topic of Frankish dress.
  • See Daniel H. Weiss, Art and Crusade in the Age of Saint Louis (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 202–204.
  • Weiss, Art and Crusade, pp. 120–21, 188; see p. 125, fig. 63 and colour plate VII, left column, bottom. On the relation between the pictorial cycles of Job in the two manuscripts, see ibid., pp. 115–17, esp. 116.
  • See Jacoby, “The fonde of Crusader Acre,” pp. 281–83. The Gate of St Nicholas was renamed Gate of the Pilgrims in the thirteenth century, and the appellation St Nicholas was transferred to the gate directly in front of it in the outer wall, close to the cemetery bearing the same name: see Jacoby, “Pilgrimage in Crusader Acre,” pp. 108–109.
  • See Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 16–17.
  • See Jacoby, “L’évolution urbaine,” pp. 105–106.
  • Its course can be more or less reconstructed by a comparison of its depiction on the maps of Vesconte and Paolino with Frankish buildings appearing on Kesten’s map of crusader remains: see Kesten, Acre, The Old City, reproduced in Dichter, The Maps of Acre, map no. 4 facing p. 73. It is not impossible that this thoroughfare corresponded more or less to the Byzantine mese or main trading street, recorded in a seventh-century source, the course of which was somewhat altered by encroachments over the centuries and by Hospitaller construction in the first half of the thirteenth century: see Jacoby, “L’évolution urbaine,” p. 96.
  • In 1290 crusaders massacred the Syrian and Muslim peasants who had come to sell their products: Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, p. 200, § 244. On the existence of both Muslim and Oriental Christian villages around Frankish Acre, although the former were more numerous, see Ronnie Ellenblum, Frankish Rural Settlement in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem (Cambridge, 1998), pp. 232–33, 274–75, 282–83.
  • See above, n. 7. Sugar arrived in Acre through the royal fonde, yet was also imported by sea for re-export; see Jacoby, “The fonde of Crusader Acre,” pp. 284–85. A list of sugar mills in the Kingdom of Jerusalem has been compiled by Brigitte Porëe, “Les moulins et fabriques de sucre de Palestine et de Chypre: histoire, géographie et technologie d’une production croisée et médiévale,” in Nicholas Coureas and Jonathan Riley-Smith, eds., Cyprus and the Crusades. Papers given at the International Conference “Cyprus and the Crusades”, Nicosia, 6–9 September, 1994 (Nicosia, 1995), pp. 397–430; however, the author’s references to written and archaeological evidence are not always accurate or complete and must be updated. See also Edna J. Stern, “The Excavations at Lower Horbat Manot: A Medieval Sugar-Production Site,” ’Atiqot 42 (2001), 277–308, and the map of sites at ibid., 277.
  • See Eliyahu Ashtor and Guidobaldo Cevidalli, “Levantine Alkali Ashes and European Industries,” Journal of European Economic History 12 (1983), pp. 475–522, repr. in Technology, Industry and Trade: The Levant versus Europe, 1250–1500, ed. Benjamin Z. Kedar (Aldershot, 1992), no. VII; David Jacoby, “Raw Materials for the Glass Industries of Venice and the Terraferma, about 1370– about 1460,” Journal of Glass Studies 35 (1993), 67–68, repr. in idem, Trade, no. IX; idem, “Mercanti genovesi e veneziani,” pp. 232, 255. The plants collected in the Frankish Levant have not been securely identified so far.
  • See above, n. 68.
  • See David Jacoby, “The Trade of Crusader Acre in the Levantine Context: an Overview,” Archivio Storico del Sannio n.s., 3 (1998), 111, repr. in David Jacoby, Commercial Exchange Across the Mediterranean: Byzantium, the Crusader Levant, Egypt and Italy (Aldershot, 2005), no. IV; idem, “The Venetian Privileges in the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem: Twelfth and Thirteenth-Century Interpretations and Implementation,” in Montjoie, pp. 168–69; Malcolm Barber, The New Knighthood. A History of the Order of the Temple (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 235–38.
  • See Jacoby, “The fonde of Crusader Acre,” pp. 278–80.
  • However, the inscription above the donkey reads mulus, mule.
  • See Jacoby, “Mercanti genovesi e veneziani,” pp. 233–36; idem, “The Venetian Privileges,” p. 168, repr. in David Jacoby, Commercial Exchange Across the Mediterranean: Byzantium, the Crusader Levant, Egypt and Italy (Aldershot, 2005), no. IV.
  • Zibaldone da Canal. Manoscritto mercantile del sec. XIV, ed. Alfredo Stussi, Fonti per la storia di Venezia, sez. V – Fondi vari (Venice, 1967), p. 63: “all te[m]po ch’Acre iera in pie,” (at the time Acre was standing), thus before its destruction by the Muslims in 1291.
  • Native Pisans are mentioned in Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, p. 182, § 218: “barques de pesqours, poulains pizans.” For the Genoese, see Laura Balletto, Genova nel Duecento. Uomini nel porto e uomini sul mare, Collana storica di fonti e studi, diretta da Geo Pistarino, 36 (Genoa, 1983), pp. 195–206. It is likely that these Genoese also engaged in trade while in Acre. Interestingly, in 1267 a merchant leaving Genoa for the Levant received an investment in ropes or lines used in fishing, in cordis piscandi: Laura Balletto, “Fonti notarili genovesi del secondo Duecento per la storia del Regno latino di Gerusalemme,” in Airaldi and Kedar, I comuni italiani, p. 207.
  • See above, n. 68.
  • New edition of the Judaeo-Arabic text with Hebrew trans. by M. Gil, Erets Israel ba-tequfa ha-muslemit ha-rishona (634–1099) [= Palestine during the First Muslim Period (634–1099)] (Tel Aviv, 1983), 3:511–14, no. 599, who dates the document to c.1115, instead of c.1180 as Goitein, A Mediterranean Society 1:126–27 and 430, n. 87. The letter explicitly refers to the taverns. The activity of these fishermen may have been partly related to the colourant needed for the tsitsith, on which see above.
  • See above, n. 68, and for ceramics, also n. 65.
  • See above, n. 68, and Jacoby, “A Venetian Manual,” pp. 419–20.
  • David Jacoby, “The Supply of War Materials to Egypt in the Crusader Period,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam 25 (2001), 109–10, 122–25. Although there is no direct evidence for deliveries to Acre in that respect, these are clearly implied by various commercial contracts, the function of Acre as transit port to Egypt, and the use of Acre’s weights for iron shipments from Ayas in Cilician Armenia. Horseshoes were also imported from Genoa, for instance in 1267: see Balletto, “Fonti notarili genovesi,” pp. 231–32. Three horseshoes from the Frankish period have been discovered in an area corresponding to the Genoese quarter of Acre: see Eliezer Stern, “’Akko, the Old City,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 109 (1999), 12–13. On thirteenth-century horseshoes found south-west of Montfort, see Jochai Rosen, “Crusader Period Horseshoes from Horbat Bet Zeneta,” ’Atiqot 39 (2000), 204 (English summary), 107–108 (Hebrew section). The author was not aware of the commercial imports adduced here.
  • See Jacoby, “The Trade of Crusader Acre,” 111–16; idem, “Mercanti genovesi e veneziani,” pp. 238–40, 255–56.
  • See Jacoby, “A Venetian Manual,” pp. 415–16, 420–21, 425; idem, “The Trade of Crusader Acre,” 118–19. For sugar and ashes, see above, n. 83 and n. 84, respectively.
  • See Jacoby, “The Supply of War Materials,” 106, 114–18, 122–25, 127.
  • E. Berger, ed., Les registres d’Innocent IV (Les registres des papes du XIIIe siècle. Bibliothèque des Ecoles françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 2e série) (Paris, 1884–1921), 1:316, doc. 212. See also Jacoby, “The Venetian Privileges,” pp. 168–69; and, on Acre as an important slave market, Benjamin Z. Kedar, “The Subjected Muslims of the Frankish Levant,” in James M. Powell, ed., Muslims under Latin Rule, 1100–1300 (Princeton, 1990), p. 153.
  • This sand was used in the production of glass since Antiquity, as reported by Pliny the Elder. I shall deal elsewhere with its export in a study on the contribution of the Levant to the Venetian glass industry in the thirteenth century.
  • Müller, ed., Documenti, p. 30, no. 25; p. 38, no. 32; p. 82, no. 52, ad portam tarsane, which im¬plies that there was access to the shipyard and that tarsana was not just a toponym inherited from the Arab period preceding the crusades.
  • See Jacoby, “L’évolution urbaine,” pp. 97–98.
  • On the excavated site, see Eliezer Stern, “’Akko, the Old City,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 109 (1999), 10–11, and for the location and the plan of the building, see Hebrew section, 15, figs. 17 and 18. The berths are about 10 m wide and between 12 and 20 m long and, therefore, offer space insufficient for large vessels.
  • See Jacoby, “The Supply of War Materials,” 126.
  • Marie-Luise Favreau-Lilie, Die Italiener im Heiligen Land vom ersten Kreuzzug bis zum Tode Heinrichs von Champagne (1098–1197) (Amsterdam, 1989), pp. 21–23, ascribes undue importance to shipbuilding in the royal arsenal, and her assumption that the Hospitallers had a shipyard is unwarranted. These issues require a renewed investigation.
  • For this paragraph and the following, see above, n. 38.
  • Laura Minervini, “Les contacts entre indigènes et croisés dans l’Orient latin: le rôle des drogmans,” in Jens Jüdtke, ed., Romania arabica. Festschrift für Reinhold Kontzi zum 70. Geburtstag (Tübingen, 1996), pp. 57–62, deals only with one aspect of interlingual communication. On Syrians in the Frankish administration, see above, n. 87.
  • For instance, large quantities of woollens were shipped to Acre on Marseillais ships in 1248: see A. Schaube, Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker des Mittelmeergebiets bis zum Ende der Kreuzzüge (Munich, 1906), pp. 204–205.
  • See Yael Gorin-Rosen, “Excavation of the Courthouse Site at ’Akko: Medieval Glass Vessels (Area TA),” ’Atiqot 31(1997), 82–84, and p. 79, figs. 20–26; see also a fairly well preserved piece in Rozenberg, Knights of the Holy Land, p. 266, fig. 1.
  • Moshe Dothan, “’Akko: Interim Excavation Report. First Season, 1973/4,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 224 (December, 1976), 37, mentions two fragments of a beaker found in a building of the Frankish period excavated to the east of the present Old City: see 39, fig. 41. They belong to the so-called ‘Aldrevandin’ group, judging by the likeness in enamel painting, motifs, colour, execution and the band of Latin inscription. On this group, see Ingeborg Krueger, “A Second Aldrevandin Beaker and an Update on a Group of Enameled Glasses,” Journal of Glass Studies 44 (2002), 111–32.
  • Summary of findings by Edna J. Stern, “Ceramic Ware from the Crusader Period in the Holy Land,” in Rozenberg, Knights of the Holy Land, pp. 258–65; see also Edna J. Stern, “Excavation of the Courthouse Site,” 35–70. On thirteenth-century finds of celadon, see Syon and Tatcher, “’Akko, Ha-Abirim Parking Lot,” 13, 15. The Chinese porcelain has been excavated in the Hospitaller compound and in the north-eastern corner of the present-day Old City: personal communication from Edna Stern, Israel Antiquities Authority.
  • On “Islamic” contemporary production, see Eva Baer, Ayyubid Metalwork with Christian Images, Studies in Islamic Art and Architecture. Supplements to Muqarnas 4 (Leiden, 1989); Esin Atil, Renaissance of Islam. Art of the Mamluks (Washington, D.C., 1981), pp. 50–79.
  • See Gorin-Rozen, “Excavation of the Courthouse Site,” 75–85.
  • On which see above, n. 69.
  • See Jacoby, “Pilgrimage in Crusader Acre,” pp. 105–17.
  • On which see above, n. 15.
  • Danny Syon, “Souvenirs from the Holy Land: A Crusader Workshop of Lead Ampullae from Acre,” in Rozenberg, Knights of the Holy Land, pp. 112–15. On earlier ampullae, see Jaroslav Folda, The Art of the Crusaders in the Holy Land: 1098–1187 (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 294–97.
  • For this paragraph and the next three ones, see a more detailed treatment in Jacoby, “Society, Culture and the Arts,” 101–102, 108–11.
  • José Guerrero Lovillo, Las Cántigas. Estudio arqueológico de sus miniaturas (Madrid, 1949), Pl. 12, left col., middle. The inscriptions accompanying the six miniatures illustrating Cant. IX appear ibid., p. 379.
  • On the story and its context, see Benjamin Z. Kedar, “Convergences of Oriental, Christian, Muslim, and Frankish Worshippers: the Case of Saydnaya,” in Hen, De Sion exibit lex, pp. 59–69.
  • On one or several scriptoria in Acre, see Laura Minervini, “Produzione e circolazione di manoscritti negli stati crociati: biblioteche e scriptoria latini,” in Medioevo romanzo e orientale. Il viaggio dei testi, III Colloquio internazionale Medioevo Romanzo e Orientale, Colloqui 4 (Soveria Mannelli, 1999), pp. 88–96.
  • See Peter Edbury and Jaroslav Folda, “Two Thirteenth-century Manuscripts of Crusader Legal Texts from Saint-Jean d’Acre,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 57 (1994), 243–54.
  • See David Jacoby, “La littérature française dans les états latins de la Méditerranée orientale à l’époque des croisades: diffusion et création,” in Essor et fortune de la chanson de geste dans l’Europe et l’Orient latin. Actes du IXe Congrès international de la Société Rencesvals pour l’étude des épopées romanes (Padoue-Venise, 1982) (Modena, 1984), pp. 617–46; David Jacoby, “Knightly Values and Class Consciousness in the Crusader States of the Eastern Mediterranean,” Mediterranean Historical Review 1 (1986), 158–86. Both papers have been reproduced in Jacoby, Studies on the Crusader States, nos. II and I, respectively.
  • Unfortunately, there is no documentation on commercial book production in Acre, similar to that bearing on Paris in the years 1175–1291; on which see Richard H. Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Illiterati et uxorati. Manuscripts and their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris, 1200–1500, 2 vols. (Turnhout, 2000), 1:17–91.
  • See Baer, Ayyubid Metalwork, pp. 19–23, figs. 73–74.
  • See Atil, Renaissance of Islam, pp. 118–27, figs. 44 and 45, and the peripheral view of fig. 45 on p. 144; also John Carswell, “The Baltimore Beakers,” in Rachel Ward, ed., Gilded and Enamelled Glass from the Middle East (London, 1998), pp. 61–63.
  • See above, n. 54.
  • Among the potential customers one should also take into account Copts coming from Egypt: see above, n. 57.
  • Oliver of Paderborn, Historia Damiatina, in Die Schriften des Kölner Domscholasters, späteren Bischofs von Paderborn und Kardinalbischofs von S. Sabina Oliverus, ed. H. Hoogeweg, Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart 202 (Tübingen, 1894), pp. 169–72, chap.5, and that author’s letter no. 3, ibid., pp. 288–89; R.B.C. Huygens, De constructione castri Saphet. Construction et fonctions d’un château fort franc en Terre Sainte (Amsterdam, 1981).
  • However, Kedar, “The Outer Walls of Frankish Acre,” 160–62, and 159, plan 4, has suggested a possible course, based on various archaeological remains.
  • Rafael Frankel, “The North-West Corner of Crusader Acre,” Israel Exploration Journal 37 (1987), 256–61 and pls. 31–32. On the copies of Vesconte’s map, see above, n. 28.
  • See A. Tatcher, “Acre: Northern Sea Promenade,” Crusades 3 (2004), 183–84.
  • See Moshe Hartal, “’Akko,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 13 (1993), 22–23.
  • See Denys Pringle, “Town Defences in the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem,” in Ivy A. Corfis and Michael Wolfe, eds., Medieval City Under Siege (Woodbridge, 1995), pp. 89–90, 95–96; and for Chastel-Pèlerin, Oliverius Scholasticus, as above, n. 130,
  • Ralph of Diceto, Ymagines historiarum, ed. W. Stubbs, RS 68 (London, 1876), 2:95; Ambroise, Estoire de la guerre sainte. Histoire en vers de la Troisième Croisade, ed. Gaston Paris, Collection de Documents inédits sur l’histoire de France (Paris, 1897), p. 144, lines 5384–92.
  • See Jacoby, “Montmusard,” pp. 211–14. This hypothesis requires some qualifications, presented below.
  • Riley-Smith, “Guy of Lusignan,” pp. 111–12. The grant appears in Cart Hosp 1:617, no. 972 (RRH, no. 717).
  • This condition is explicitly stated in the grant to the Teutonic Order: Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, pp. 24–25, no. 28 (RRH, no. 717). Only a summary of the grant to the Hospitallers has been published, yet we may safely assume that it contained the same condition: Cart Hosp 1:594, no. 938 (RRH Ad, no. 716a).
  • Pringle, “Town Defences,” pp. 82–83.
  • See above, n. 78.
  • See Kedar, “The Outer Walls of Frankish Acre,” 159, plan 4.
  • An excavated section of the northern inner wall of the Old City is located some 60 m southwest of the Courthouse site, on which a tower inserted within the outer wall has been found: see Eliezer Stern, “’Akko (Acre), the Eastern Moat,” Excavations and Surveys in Israel 110 (1999), 11–13.
  • Pringle, “Town Defences,” pp. 89–91, 93–94.
  • Ibid., p. 83, with Wilbrand’s description.
  • See Jacoby, “Montmusard,” p. 213.
  • Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, p. 41, no. 50 (RRH, no. 899). On this gate, see Jacoby, “Montmusard,” pp. 211–12.
  • Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, p. 170, § 203, and p. 222, § 266. The figure refers to the length of the building, and not to that of a hall, as in Jonathan Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c. 1050–1310 (London, 1967), p. 248. The cane can only be the one used in the Kingdom of Jerusalem or that of Cyprus, where the chronicler lived after 1291. It measured 2.20 m: see Huygens, De constructione castri Saphet, pp. 26–28. The building would thus have been 330 m long, which is excluded. Since no width is mentioned, one may wonder whether longesse does not stand here for ‘perimeter’ which, for instance, would imply measurements of a rectangular building 100 m long and 65 m wide.
  • After referring to the building, the chronicle adds that it avoit mout grant propris de court, e la fu fait la feste. The language is somewhat ambiguous, as it is not clear whether the festivities took place in the building or, rather, in the courtyard. In any event, the existence of the latter definitively rules out the identification of the auberge with the rectangular neighbourhood in the suburb, mentioned above, a possibility raised by Boas, “A Rediscovered Market Street,” 185, yet ruled out by him for the wrong reasons, namely the supposed length of the hall in the building, as interpreted by Riley-Smith (see previous note).
  • See Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, pp. 309–10.
  • Riley-Smith, ibid., p. 248, referring to Strehlke, Tabulae Ordinis Theutonici, pp. 57–60, nos. 73–74 (RRH, nos. 1020–21). His assumption rests on the reference to gastine in that document. As noted earlier, open spaces still existed in the Old City in the 1230s, and the term gastina could very well have been applied to them. There is no reason to believe that it was only used for Montmusard.
  • H. Michelant and G. Raynaud, eds., Itinéraires à Jérusalem et descriptions de la Terre Sainte rédigés en français aux XIe, XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Geneva, 1882), p. 235. On the nature of the itinerary, see “Pilgrimage in Crusader Acre,” pp. 107–110, 112. The palatium of the archbishop in Acre, which must have been identical with the curia, is mentioned yet not located in a charter of 1255: E.G. Rey, ed., Recherches géographiques et historiques sur la domination des Latins en Orient (Paris, 1877), pp. 36–38.
  • E. Jordan, ed., Les registres de Clément IV (1265–1268) (Paris, 1904), p. 163, no. 511. I wish to thank Denys Pringle for discussing with me the topographical issues regarding the location of the Nazareth church and houses.
  • See Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, p. 247.
  • For that dating and those of the five extant copies, see Richard Vaughan, Matthew Paris (Cambridge, 1958), pp. 238–39 and 244–45. Suzanne Lewis, The Art of Matthew Paris in the Chronica Majora (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1987), p. 357, suggests a date somewhat after 1253–54.
  • See Jacoby, “Crusader Acre,” 10–11.
  • British Library, MS Royal 14 C vii, fol. 4v–5r, wrongly identifies that structure as Pisan.
  • On which see above, nn. 26 and 31.
  • See above, n. 28.
  • Cart Hosp 3:119, no. 3180, § 4: “que les bailliz qui venront d’outremer … se herbergent au dortor à la herberge.” However, the Marshal could lodge the bailiffs in his room, which obviously was in the same structure.
  • Cart Hosp 3:228, § 13.
  • On the latrines, see above, n. 37. The stationing of turcopoles of the Order in Acre is attested in 1258: Cronaca del Templare di Tiro, p. 70, § 47. However, it does not enable a narrower dating, as we do not know their numbers. On the employment of mercenaries by the Order, see Riley-Smith, The Knights of St. John, pp. 324–26.

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