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Articles

Pope Pius II and CrusadingFootnote

Norman HousleyThe University of [email protected]
Pages 209-247 | Published online: 17 Feb 2023

  • Norman Housley, The Later Crusades, 1274–1580: From Lyons to Alcazar (Oxford, 1992), p. 105.
  • James Hankins, “Renaissance Crusaders: Humanist Crusade Literature in the Age of Mehmed II,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 49 (1995), 111–207, at pp. 129–30, words echoed by Nancy Bisaha, Creating East and West: Renaissance Humanists and the Ottoman Turks (Philadelphia, 2004), p. 140.
  • I shall refer to him as Aeneas before his election, Pius after it, and in references that encompass both periods.
  • Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes, trans. Frederick I. Antrobus, 5th ed., vol. 3 (London, 1949), p. 374.
  • Cecilia M. Ady, Pius II (Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini): The Humanist Pope (London, 1913), p. 325.
  • Kenneth M. Setton, The Papacy and the Levant (1204–1571), Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society 114, 127, 161–62, 4 vols. (Philadelphia, 1976–84), 2:261.
  • Johannes Helmrath, “Pius II. und die Türken,” in Europa und die Türken in der Renaissance, ed. Bodo Guthmüller and Wilhelm Kühlmann, Frühe Neuzeit 54 (Tübingen, 2000) [hereafter ETR], pp. 79–137, at pp. 136–37 (“Sein Tod bedeutet das endgültige Scheitern des Kreuzzugs”).
  • Thomas Vogtherr, “‘Wenn hinten, weit, in der Turkei …’. Die Türken in der spätmittelalterlichen Stadtchronistik Norddeutschlands,” in Europa und die osmanische Expansion im ausgehenden Mittelalter, ed. Franz-Reiner Erkens, Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, Beiheft 20 (Berlin, 1997), pp. 103–25, at pp. 117, 120 (“eine einschneidende Erfahrung”), 121 (“Desaster von 1464”).
  • Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. (Cambridge, 1951–54), 3:468.
  • Cf. Hans Eberhard Mayer, comp., Bibliographie zur Geschichte der Kreuzzüge (Hanover, 1960), p. xix: “Als zeitlichen Endpunkt für diese Bibliographie habe ich im allgemeinen die Eroberung Konstantinopels 1453 gewählt, weil mit diesem Ereignis die Kreuzzugsbewegung endgültig in die Türkenkriege umschlägt. Nachdem das Jahr 1291 als Schlußpunkt längst als aufgegeben gelten darf, bot erst wieder 1453 einen logischen Einschnitt, der allerdings ebensowenig befriedigt wie 1291”; Jonathan Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, 4th ed. (Basingstoke, 2009), pp. 90–92; idem, The Crusades, Christianity and Islam (New York, 2008), pp. 45–61.
  • Pii II Commentarii rerum memorabilium que temporibus suis contigerunt, ed. Adrian Van Heck, Studi e Testi 312–13, 2 vols. (Città del Vaticano, 1984). An excellent translation by Margaret Meserve and Marcello Simonetta is in progress in The I Tatti Renaissance Library: 2 vols. (bks. 1–4) to date.
  • Jacopo Ammannati Piccolomini, Commentarii, in the Frankfurt 1614 ed. of Pius II’s Commentarii; idem, Lettere (1444–1479), ed. Paolo Cherubini, Pubblicazioni degli Archivi di Stato, Fonti 25, 3 vols. (Rome, 1997), esp. 2:501–26, 614–22, 835–41, 885–92, nos. 74, 104, 192, 212.
  • For Campano and Platina see Le Vite di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina, ed. Giulio C. Zimolo, RIS NS 3, pt. 3 (Bologna, 1964).
  • Due above all to Daniel Baloup’s project, “Les Croisades tardives: Conflits interconfessionnels et sentiments identitaires à la fin du Moyen Âge en Europe,” ANR-06-CONF-020 (Université de Toulouse II / FRAMESPA – UMR 5136), the colloquia for which are generating an important series of collected essays.
  • The bibliography is immense. For recent surveys see Helmrath, “Pius II. und die Türken”; Barbara Baldi, “Il problema turco dalla caduta di Costantinopoli (1453) alla morte di Pio II (1464),” in La conquista turca di Otranto (1480) tra storia e mito, ed. Hubert Houben, 2 vols. (Galatina, 2008), 1:55–76. The latter references most of the collections of essays resulting from conferences held to mark the sexcentenary of the pope’s birth in 1405. Baldi’s Pio II e le trasformazioni dell’Europa cristiana (Milan, 2006) is the most important study of Pius’s ideology and policy in recent years.
  • Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, Der Briefwechsel. III. Abteilung: Briefe als Bischof von Siena, vol. 1 (1450–1454), ed. Rudolf Wolkan (Vienna, 1918); Barbara Baldi, “La corrispondenza di Enea Silvio Piccolomini dal 1431 al 1454. La maturazione di un’esperienza fra politica e cultura,” in I confini della lettera. Pratiche epistolari e reti di communicazione nell’Italia tardomedievale, ed. Isabella Lazzarini (Florence, 2009), = Reti Medievali Rivista 10, 1–22.
  • Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, De Europa, ed. Adrian Van Heck, Studi e Testi 398 (Città del Vaticano, 2001); Barbara Baldi, “Enea Silvio Piccolomini e il De Europa: umanesimo, religione e politica,” Archivio storico italiano 598 (2003), 619–83.
  • For a good example, see Giovanni Battista Picotti, La dieta di Mantova e la politica de’ Veneziani, facs. repr. of 1912 ed. (Trent, 1996), p. 417 (postscript in a letter to the doge, 25 August 1459).
  • See esp. the essays by Jean Lacroix and Mario Pozzi in Pio II e la cultura del suo tempo, ed. Luisa Rotondi Secchi Tarugi (Milan, 1991).
  • See, for example, Nancy Bisaha, “Pope Pius II and the Crusade,” in Crusading in the Fifteenth Century: Message and Impact, ed. Norman Housley (Basingstoke, 2004) [hereafter CFC], pp. 39–52, 188–91, at pp. 43–44.
  • Bisaha, Creating East and West, ch. 2; Margaret Meserve, Empires of Islam in Renaissance Historical Thought (Cambridge, MA, 2008), ch. 1 and passim.
  • Benjamin Weber, “Lutter contre les Turcs. Les formes nouvelles de la croisade pontificale au XVe siècle” (thèse doctorat, Université Toulouse II Le Mirai, 2009), pp. 144–45.
  • Ibid., pp. 117–19; Setton, Papacy, 2:184–90.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 259–61.
  • Ibid., pp. 268–69.
  • Dan Ioan Mureşan, “La croisade en projets. Plans présentés au Grand Quartier Général de la croisade – le Collège des cardinaux” (forthcoming), n. 61; Iulian-Mihai Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata (1463–1490) e i sussidi dei pontefici romani a Mattia Corvino,” Annuario dell’Istituto Romeno di Cultura e Ricerca Umanistica di Venezia 8 (2006), 135–52, at p. 144, and see also ibid., p. 139, “il vero ispiratore della crociata per la liberazione di Costantinopoli e della Chiesa d’oriente,” and p. 149, “il vero genio della crociata tardiva.”
  • Sánchez has not yet received the attention he merits, but for Lando see Dan Ioan Mureşan, “Girolamo Lando, titulaire du patriarcat de Constantinople (1474–1497), et son rôle dans la politique orientale du Saint-Siège,” Annuario dell’Istituto Romeno di Cultura e Ricerca Umanistica di Venezia 8 (2006), 153–258.
  • On Aeneas’s German affinities see Erich Meuthen, “Ein ‘deutscher’ Freundeskreis an der römischen Kurie in der Mitte des 15. Jahrhunderts. Von Cesarini bis zu den Piccolomini,” Annuarium Historiae Conciliorum 27/28 (1995/96), 487–542.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini Senensis opera inedita, ed. Josephus Cugnoni (Rome, 1883, repr. Farnborough, 1968), no. xxxix, pp. 101–2.
  • Vetera monumenta historica historiam Hungariam sacram illustrantia, ed. Augustin Theiner, 2 vols. (Rome, 1859–60), 2:366–69, no. 551.
  • Nancy Bisaha, “Pope Pius II’s Letter to Sultan Mehmed II: A Reexamination,” Crusades 1 (2002), 183–200.
  • Benjamin Weber, “Conversion, croisade et œcuménisme à la fin du Moyen-âge: encore sur la lettre de Pie II à Mehmed II,” Crusades 7 (2008), 181–99, but note that on p. 197 Weber does not rule out a western audience too.
  • Ibid., p. 187.
  • The nineteenth-century German protestant historian Georg Voigt (Enea Silvio de’ Piccolomini, als Papst Pius der Zweite, und sein Zeitalter [3 vols., Berlin, 1856–63]) was the principal proponent of the view that Pius was at root a shallow dilettante.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:815–25, no. 187. Peace with Sigismondo at this time was only concluded under strong pressure from Venice.
  • Miguel Navarro Sorni, ed., “Breves del papa Calixto III en el ‘Archivio di Stato’ de Milán. (Año 1455),” Anthologica annua 44 (1997), 675–734, at p. 712, no. 23.
  • Opera omnia, ep. 253, p. 785. For context, see Pál Engel, The Realm of St. Stephen: A History of Medieval Hungary, 895–1526, trans. Tamás Pálosfalvi, ed. Andrew Ayton (London, 2001), pp. 288–97.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. lxxi, pp. 145–54, at p. 145. The citation was not sent: Pastor, History, p. 239. See also Ungedruckte Akten zur Geschichte der Päpste vornehmlich im XV., XVI. und XVII. Jahrhundert, vol. 1: 1376–1464, ed. Ludwig Pastor (Freiburg, 1904), no. 34, pp. 45–46 (Bartolomeo Visconti on Calixtus III and Piccinino, 1455).
  • For more on patterns of “turkishness” see Norman Housley, Religious Warfare in Europe, 1400–1536 (Oxford, 2002), ch. 5.
  • Comm. 7.16, ed. Van Heck, pp. 460–63.
  • Ludwig Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion als Theologe, Humanist und Staatsmann. Funde und Forschungen, 3 vols. (Paderborn, 1923–42), 3:525.
  • For example, Ungedruckte Akten, no. 153, p. 205.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 914–23; also in Vetera monumenta Slavorum meridionalium historiam illustrantia, ed. Augustin Theiner, 2 vols. (Rome, 1863), vol. 1, no. 660, pp. 474–81.
  • Anecdota litteraria ex MSS codicibus eruta, 4 vols. (Rome, 1772–83), 3:287–96, esp. pp. 287–88. Of course this was a make or break moment, when we would expect Pius to justify his stance.
  • Falk Eisermann, “The Indulgence as a Media Event: Developments in Communication through Broadsides in the Fifteenth Century,” in Promissory Notes on the Treasury of Merits: Indulgences in Late Medieval Europe [hereafter PN], ed. R. N. Swanson, Brill’s Companions to the Christian Tradition 5 (Leiden, 2006), pp. 309–30, at pp. 313–14.
  • Opera omnia, p. 918.
  • See, most recently, the essays by Jean-François Lassalmonie, Martin Nejedlý and František Šmahel in La Noblesse et la croisade à la fin du Moyen Âge (France, Bourgogne, Bohême), ed. Martin Nejedlý and Jaroslav Svátek, Les Croisades tardives 2 (Toulouse, 2009).
  • See Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata,” pp. 147–48.
  • Opera omnia, p. 923.
  • Anecdota litteraria, 3:290.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. lxxi, pp. 145–54, at pp. 145–46.
  • Mureşan, “La croisade en projets,” at n. 78. Not to speak of schismatic tendencies within the college of cardinals: Baldi, Pio II, pp. 209–10.
  • The oration remains unedited, but for a paraphrase see Wolfram Benziger, Zur Theorie von Krieg und Frieden in der italienischen Renaissance. Die Disputatio de pace et bello zwischen Bartolomeo Platina und Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo und andere anläßlich der Pax Paolina (Rom 1468) entstandene Schriften (Frankfurt am Main, 1996), pp. 154–58, esp. p. 157.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:614–22, no. 104, at p. 616.
  • Ibid., Lettere, 2:835–41, no. 192, at pp. 836–37.
  • Ibid., Lettere, 2:885–92, no. 212, at pp. 887–91.
  • The most severe critique emanated from Francesco Filelfo in September 1464, but the text is so extreme that it is hard to see it as reflecting a broader reaction: see Notes et extraits pour servir à l’histoire des croisades au XVe siècle, ed. Nicolae Iorga, 6 series (Paris and Bucharest, 1899–1916), 4th ser., pp. 240–42.
  • For example, Vetera monumenta Poloniae et Lithuaniae gentiumque finitimarum historiam illustrantia, ed. Augustin Theiner, 4 vols. (Rome, 1860–64), 2:269–76, no. 297, at pp. 273–74.
  • Johannes Helmrath, “The German Reichstage and the Crusade,” in CFC, pp. 53–69, 191–203, at pp. 57–62.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 905–14, at p. 914 (also available in Mansi, Concilia 32 [Paris, 1902], cols. 207–21); Helmrath, “The German Reichstage,” pp. 63–64; more broadly Dieter Mertens, “Claromontani passagii exemplum: Papst Urban II. und der erste Kreuzzug in der Türkenkriegspropaganda des Renaissance-Humanismus,” in ETR, pp. 65–78.
  • The best analysis of the congress is Jocelyne G. Russell, “The Humanists Converge: The Congress of Mantua (1459),” in her Diplomats at Work: Three Renaissance Studies (Stroud, 1992), pp. 51–93.
  • “Christianos omnes crucesignabimus in hanc expeditionem ituros”: Opera omnia, p. 913. Urban II, Eugenius III, Innocent III, and Alexander III are surely the popes referred to.
  • Anecdota litteraria, 3:287–96, esp. p. 287: “suscepturi hodie dominicae crucis, passionisque signum ….”
  • “In primis generale bellum atque expedicionem contra perfidissimos Turcos dei nostri acerrimos hostes more predecessorum nostrorum, qui generales expediciones, vel ad liberandum [sic] terram sanctam, vel contra alios infideles indixerunt, ab omnibus christifidelibus triennio duraturum gerendum ac suscipiendum esse decernimus, omnes et singulos christianos ad presidium eius belli pariter pro viribus invitantes”: Vetera monumenta … Hungariam … illustrantia, 2:367, no. 551.
  • Riley-Smith, What Were the Crusades?, p. 2. This remained true even in the mid-thirteenth century: Caroline Smith, Crusading in the Age of Joinville (Aldershot, 2006), ch. 4.
  • Comm. 3.32, 3.33 (×3), 7.16, 10.23, 12.31, 12.37, 13.1 (bellum in Turcos gerendum, contra Turcos gerendum, adversus Turcos gerendum); 12.15, 12.28 (bellum adversus Turcos suscipere); 1.26, 1.27 (×2), 3.13, 3.20, 3.36, 3.43, 5.4 (×2), 5.9, 5.11, 9.21, 12.14, 12.16, 12.42, 13.1 (expeditio in Turcos, contra Turcos, adversus Turcos); 1.27, 1.28 (×2), 1.29, 3.13, 3.31, 3.35, 6.1, 7.12, 7.16 (×2), 10.10, 12.30, 12.31, 12.34 (bellum contra Turcos, in Turcos, adversus Turcos); 2.1, 3.34, 3.35, 12.3, 12.31, 13.1 (bellum in Turcos inferre); 3.13, 6.1 (×2), 7.16, 12.28, 12.30, 12.35, 13.1 (bellum Turcis indicendum); 12.42 (profectio in Turcos).
  • Ibid., 1.26, 5.4.
  • Ibid., 4.4, 5.4, 5.8, 6.1, 9.21, 12.28.
  • Ibid., 3.32.
  • Ibid., 5.4.
  • Ibid., 7.16.
  • Ibid., 3.5.
  • Ibid., 12.28.
  • The word constantly used in the dispatches of the Italian envoys is impresa (undertaking): Ungedruckte Akten, no. 65, p. 94, et passim.
  • For example, Piccolomini, Der Briefwechsel, no. 112, p. 214, no. 194, pp. 377–78, no. 230, p. 418, no. 290, p. 490, no. 15 [sic], pp. 607–9.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. xliii, p. 106.
  • Comm. 1.24; Opera omnia, pp. 928–32.
  • “passagii vocabulo nihil aliud designamus quam expeditionem militarem numerosissimam adversus infideles per Christianos indictam, quam si consequuntur cruce signati, plenariam peccatorum omnium remissionem merentur”: Opera omnia, p. 929. Pius’s distinction here between crucesignati and others who might take part in a passagium is a revealing one to which we shall return in the context of his 1464 expedition.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 930–32.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. xliii, p. 106.
  • Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Friedrich III., fünfte Abteilung, erste Hälfte 1453–1454, ed. Helmut Weigel and Henny Grüneisen, Deutsche Reichstagsakten 19.1 (Göttingen, 1969), pp. 277–79, 288–91, 294–300, 307–23.
  • Pii II orationes, ed. Joannes Dominicus Mansi, 3 vols. (Lucca, 1755–59), vol. 1, no. 14, pp. 287–306, at pp. 303–4.
  • Mansi, Concilia 35 (Paris, 1902), cols. 113–20, at col. 115.
  • Opera omnia, p. 685.
  • Norman Housley, The Avignon Papacy and the Crusades, 1305–1378 (Oxford, 1986), esp. pp. 149, 218–19.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 54–65.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. liv, p. 119.
  • Ibid., no. xlv, p. 109.
  • Karl Nehring, Matthias Corvinus, Kaiser Friedrich III. und das Reich. Zum hunyadisch-habsburgischen Gegensatz im Donauraum (Munich, 1975), pp. 202–15; Vetera monumenta … Hungariam … illustrantia, vol. 2, no. 567, pp. 382–91, at p. 384.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 198, p. 310.
  • Further on passagium, see Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 378–79.
  • Il “Liber brevium” di Callisto III. La crociata, l’Albania e Skanderbeg, ed. Matteo Sciambra et al. (Palermo, 1968); Acta Albaniae Vaticana. Res Albaniae saeculorum XIV et XV atque cruciatam spectantia, ed. Ignatius Parrino, Studi e Testi 266 (Città del Vaticano, 1971). Cf. Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 379–85.
  • Il “Liber brevium”, pp. 157–58.
  • Bullarium Franciscanum, nova series, vols. 2–4, ed. Joseph M. Pou y Marti and Caesar Cenci (Quaracchi, 1939–90), vol. 2, no. 630, pp. 331–32.
  • Piccolomini, Der Briefwechsel. III. Abteilung … vol. 1, no. 112, pp. 204–15, at p. 214.
  • Norman Housley, “Giovanni da Capistrano and the Crusade of 1456,” in CFC, pp. 94–115, 215–224, esp. pp. 111–12.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 678–89.
  • Mertens, “Claromontani passagii exemplum,” pp. 70–71.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 905–14.
  • This too was a borrowing from Biondo, bearing out Mertens’s comment that “der fleißigste der frühen Leser Biondos war Enea Silvio Piccolomini”: Mertens, “Claromontani passagii exemplum,” p. 74, and see too pp. 71–72.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 678–89.
  • Piccolomini, Der Briefwechsel. III. Abteilung … vol. 1, no. 109, pp. 189–202, at p. 201.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 905–14.
  • Pii II orationes, vol. 1, no. 14, p. 306. Surprisingly, the well-informed Bessarion took the same line, at least when trying to win over the envoys at Mantua: hence the vast majority of the Ottoman forces were “nudi, inermes, sine stipendio publico, absque omnibus opibus propriis, praeda duntaxat, et incursionibus viventes …” while “Italia sola … supra sexaginta militum millia et armis, et scientiae rei militaris … qui non modo Europa, sed tota Asia hanc immanissimam belluam repulissent, et Dominicum usque sepulchrum libere penetrassent.” Anecdota veneta nunc primum collecta ac notis illustrata, ed. Joannes Baptista Maria Contareni, 1 (Venice, 1757), pp. 276–83, at p. 281.
  • Lodrisio Crivelli, De expeditione Pii papae II, in RIS NS 33, pt. 5, pp. 91–96 (Vocavit nos Pius), at p. 94. See Mansi, Concilia 35, cols. 113–20 (Septimo iam exacto mense), at col. 116.
  • Pii II orationes, vol. 1, no. 14, pp. 304–5.
  • Mansi, Concilia 35, cols. 113–20, at col. 116.
  • Piccolomini, Der Briefwechsel. III. Abteilung … vol. 1, no. 112, p. 215.
  • Ibid., no. 109, p. 201.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. xxxix, pp. 99–102.
  • Ibid., no. xliii, pp. 105–8.
  • Crivelli, De expeditione, pp. 91–96.
  • Jacques Paviot, Les ducs de Bourgogne, la croisade et l’Orient (fin XIVe siècle – XVe siècle) (Paris, 2003), p. 123 and n. 20.
  • Cf. Baldi, “Il problema turco,” p. 60.
  • See Baldi, “Il problema turco,” p. 70, for the diets and league as “points of reference.” See also her Pio II, pp. 147–70.
  • Picotti, La dieta di Mantova, p. 439.
  • Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion, 1:292–303.
  • Mansi, Concilia 35, cols. 113–20, at col. 113.
  • Baldi, “Il problema turco,” p. 68.
  • Mansi, Concilia 32, cols. 265–66.
  • Opera omnia, p. 922.
  • Annales ecclesiastici, ed. O. Raynaldus and G. D. Mansi, vol. 9 (Lucca, 1752), ad ann. 1453, nos. 9–11, at p. 617.
  • Comm. 7.16, ed. Van Heck, pp. 460–63.
  • Housley, Avignon Papacy, pp. 32–36.
  • Bisaha, “Pope Pius II and the Crusade,” pp. 47–50.
  • Pii II orationes, vol. 1, no. 14, p. 297.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 154, p. 210.
  • Ibid., no. 179, pp. 267–73, no. 192, pp. 290–96, esp. pp. 292–93, no. 193, pp. 296–303, esp. p. 298; Bullarium Franciscanum, Supplementum, vol. 1, ed. Caesar Cenci (Rome, 2002), no. 1480, p. 687.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 188, pp. 282–86, esp. p. 285.
  • Baldi, Pio II, pp. 189–91.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 193, pp. 296–303, esp. pp. 298–300 (“quelli cervelli francesi, pieni de legereza e de instabilità”).
  • Ibid., no. 199, p. 316.
  • Picotti, La dieta di Mantova; Comm. 3.35, ed. Van Heck, pp. 223–24. Cf. Baldi, Pio II, pp. 241–43.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 171, pp. 245–54, and no. 187, pp. 281–82, are the clearest evidence of this.
  • Pii II orationes, 3:113–14. Baldi, Pio II, p. 169 refers to Sforza as “il punto di riferimento fondamentale del pontefice,” and his personal admiration complemented his commitment to the Milan–Rome–Naples axis: the problem was that this did not produce a crusade.
  • For example, Ungedruckte Akten, no. 154, p. 210.
  • Vetera monumenta … Hungariam … illustrantia, vol. 2, no. 566, pp. 380–82.
  • Paviot, Les ducs, pp. 165, 321–27.
  • Ibid., pp. 327–28.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 148, p. 190.
  • Ibid., no. 148, pp. 188–93.
  • Ibid., no. 150, pp. 197–98, and see too no. 156, p. 214.
  • Ibid., no. 153, p. 206, no. 173, pp. 256–57.
  • Ibid., no. 154, p. 210.
  • Ibid., no. 161, p. 226.
  • Ibid., no. 163, p. 229. On the September–October 1463 talks see also Pastor, History, pp. 321–31.
  • Opera omnia, pp. 914–23, esp. pp. 920–22. This and cognate sources do not support Niccolo della Tuccia’s assertion that Pius “voleva far denari per portare in quel paese, e non genti”: “Cronaca di Viterbo,” in Cronache e statuti della città di Viterbo, ed. Ignazio Ciampi, Documenti di storia italiana 5 (Florence, 1872), 1–272, at p. 269; see also Wadding’s comment that the pope intended his preachers to raise money for wages, Annales minorum, 3rd ed., accuratissima auctior et emendatior ad exemplar editionis Josephi Mariae Fonseca ab Ebora, 25 vols. (Quaracchi, 1931–35), 13:308.
  • Pii II orationes, 3:117 (quote); Ungedruckte Akten, no. 148, p. 189.
  • Contrast Baldi, Pio II, p. 236, n. 20, who sees Pius effectively abandoning hope of a German contribution.
  • “ita ut pro satisfactione delictorum et poenarum quae fuerant imponendae, succedat labor itineris atque militia”: Opera omnia, p. 921. This is followed by the standard phraseology, raising the question of how those who did not go in person would earn the indulgence. There is an interesting discussion of Ezekielis and its background in Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 183–89.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 179, p. 268.
  • Ibid., no. 178, p. 266. Carretto reached a total of 27/28 galleys and 5/6 nave, but some of the contributions never materialized. Carretto reiterated his concerns a few days later: ibid., no. 179, pp. 268–69.
  • Ibid., no. 183, p. 277.
  • Opera omnia, ep. 392, pp. 865–68, and see too ep. 393, pp. 868–69; Marcello Simonetta, “Pius II and Francesco Sforza. The History of Two Allies,” in Pius II ‘el più expeditivo pontifice’. Selected Studies on Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (1405–1464), ed. Zweder von Martels and Arjo Vanderjagt (Leiden, 2003), pp. 147–70, at pp. 164–66. D’Estouteville was placed in command of the crusaders and Forteguerri of the fleet: Le Vite di Pio II, p. 113 note.
  • Opera omnia, no. 68, pp. 141–42 (also in Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. lxviii, p. 142). Presumably the advice would have been Skanderbeg’s. See Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata,” pp. 144–45, for the most recent treatment of Pius’s intentions.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 184, p. 278. In the (burlesque?) assault that he made on the deceased pope’s crusading policy, Filelfo claimed that Pius had favoured Ragusa as a secure vantage point from which he could watch the Turks overrunning Hungary: Notes et extraits, 4th ser., p. 241.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 193, pp. 301–2, no. 196, p. 308, no. 199, p. 320 (the curia would move inland to more commodious Lecce).
  • Ibid., no. 195, pp. 304–5. Matthias had 22,000 men under arms: Mathiae Corvini Hungariae regis epistolae ad Romanos pontifices datae et ab eis acceptae 1458–1490 (Mátyás Király levelezése a Római pápákkal), Monumenta Vaticana Hungariae, ser. 1, vol. 6 (Budapest, 1891), pp. vii–viii; Magyar Diplomacziai Emlékek Mátyás Király Korából 1458–1490, ed. Iván Nagy and Albert Nyáry, Monumenta Hungariae Historica, acta extera, vols. 4–7 (Budapest, 1875–78), vol. 1, no. 172, pp. 283–84.
  • Mátyás Király Levelei. Külügyi Osztály. Első Kötet. 1458–1479, ed. Vilmos Fraknói (Budapest, 1893), no. 40, pp. 53–55, and cf. no. 39, pp. 52–53.
  • Guido Levi, ed., “Diario Nepesino di Antonio Lotieri de Pisano (1459–1468),” Archivio della R. Società romana di storia patria 7 (1884), 115–82, at pp. 139–40. Weber, “Lutter,” p. 175, discovered that 597 lettres de grâce were given out to these volunteers at Rome.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 198, pp. 311–12: a vivid description, but coloured by the Mantuan envoy’s intent to contrast conditions at Ancona with the excellent provision for visitors five years previously at the Mantua congress.
  • Ibid., no. 198, p. 311; above, at n. 82.
  • Le Vite di Pio II, p. 83 (Campano), p. 110 (Platina). Ammannati concurs with both (Lettere, 2:514, no. 74), and may have been their source of information. See too Johannes Simoneta, Rerum gestarum Francisci Sfortiae Commentarii, ed. G. Soranzo, RIS NS 21, pt. 2, pp. 477–78.
  • These were the filtering criteria proposed by Venice in June 1464: Ungedruckte Akten, no. 195, pp. 305–6.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 198, p. 311.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:514, no. 74. Further details in Norman Housley, “Indulgences for Crusading, 1417–1517,” in PN, pp. 277–307, at pp. 302–5, and Pastor, History, pp. 352–53.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 186, p. 281, with a rare reference to vicarious service: “ac gentes mittere et personaliter proficisci.”
  • Opera omnia, ep. 389, p. 864. Undated but sent anno sexto from Petriolo, where Pius was taking the waters in April 1464.
  • For Poland, see Jan Długosz, Annals (= Annales seu cronicae incliti regni Poloniae), trans. Maurice Michael, with a commentary by Paul Smith (Chichester, 1997), ad ann. 1464, p. 548 (reporting 20,000 recruits, though I have found no trace of them in the Italian sources); for Crete, see Notes et extraits, 4th ser., pp. 217–21.
  • Anecdota litteraria, 3.290.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:501–24, no. 74.
  • On these see esp. Pastor, History, pp. 354–70.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:507, no. 74.
  • Opera omnia, ep. 389, p. 864.
  • Mureşan, “Girolamo Lando,” pp. 166–67.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:506, no. 74.
  • Le Vite di Pio II, p. 110 and note; Ammannati, Lettere, 2:514, no. 74. Unsurprisingly, the discharged crucesignati still felt short-changed by their experience: by 1464 there were much easier ways to earn a plenary indulgence than traveling half-way across Europe, particularly if you were Lucchese (below, n. 209).
  • Benziger, Zur Theorie, pp. 141–49, 154–58.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 201, p. 322.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:504, no. 74.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 185, pp. 280–81.
  • Ibid., no. 195, pp. 305–6, and cf. no. 198, p. 310, on the two naves, which were still on offer for use by the Ancona crucesignati on 16 July. These Saxons were presumably the crusaders referred to by Lando. It is hard to piece together the scattered sources for events in 1464, but it is possible that there were two main waves of volunteers, first the Germans and later the Spanish and French.
  • Giovanni Soranzo, “Sigismondo Pandolfo Malatesta in Morea e le vicende del suo dominio,” Atti e memorie della R. Deputazione di storia patria per le provincie di Romagna, ser. 4, vol. 8 (1917–18), 211–80, esp. pp. 228–29.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:515–16, no. 74. See also Ungedruckte Akten, no. 201, p. 323 (dated 1 August).
  • In his dispatch to Sforza on 11 August, reporting the arrival (finally) of the two Venetian naves, Stefano Nardini commented that “qui non ce sonno crucesignati, nè altra gente da passar”: Ungedruckte Akten, no. 202, pp. 325–26.
  • Ammannati, Lettere, 2:514, no. 74.
  • Comm. 7.16, ed. Van Heck, pp. 460–61.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 125, p. 153.
  • Comm. 12.31, ed. Van Heck, p. 770.
  • For comparisons based on known expenditure see Setton, Papacy, 2:184 (150,000 ducats, 1456), 316 (over 144,000 florins, 1471–72).
  • For example, Opera omnia, ep. 239, p. 780, ep. 272, pp. 798–99.
  • Baldi, Pio II, pp. 204–10. As she notes, the conversation was a kind of updated De Europa.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 232–34.
  • Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata,” p. 141, n. 34.
  • Peter Partner, “Papal Financial Policy in the Renaissance and Counter-Reformation,” Past & Present 88 (1980), 17–62, esp. p. 53 on Pius II.
  • For example, Ungedruckte Akten, no. 148, p. 192, “che de tali denaro non intendeva … tochasse uno, nè per se, nè per alcuno de suoy, sed solum ciascunco principe nel dominio suo fecesse,” no. 153, p. 206, no. 154, p. 209, no. 193, p. 303, no. 196, p. 307.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 159, p. 219.
  • Picotti, La dieta, pp. 467–70, doc. no. XXX: asserting income from crusade sources of 87,000 ducats and outgoings of 810,000, the solution to which had to be assistance from the non-Italian powers.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 170, p. 241. Ibid., no. 184, p. 279, has similar suggestions for Florence. See also Setton, Papacy, 2:267, n. 123.
  • Corpus chronicorum bononensium, RIS NS 18, pt. 1, pp. 321, 326–29; Cronica gestorum ac factorum memorabilium civitatis Bononie, ed. A. Sorbelli, RIS NS 23, pt. 2, p. 97; Della historia di Bologna parte terza del R.P.M. Cherubino Ghirardacci, ed. A. Sorbelli, RIS NS 33, pt. 1, pp. 185–86. Also on Bologna see Baldi, Pio II, p. 235, n. 19.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. lxix, pp. 142–44.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” p. 221, and see pp. 120–21 for Pius’s naval preparations.
  • See Diplomatarium svecanum, appendix, Acta pontificum svecica, I, Acta cameralia, vol. II ann. MCCCLXXI–MCDXCII, ed. L. L. Bååth (Stockholm, 1957).
  • Janus Møller Jensen, Denmark and the Crusades 1400–1650, The Northern World 30 (Leiden, 2007), pp. 93–96; Klaus Voigt, “Der Kollektor Marinus de Fregeno und seine ‘Descriptio provinciarum Alamanorum’,” Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 68 (1968), 148–206, at pp. 160–62; Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 250–53.
  • For example, Bullarium Franciscanum, vol. 2, no. 215, p. 119, no. 230, p. 123, no. 249, pp. 131–32, nos. 275–78, pp. 144–45, no. 323, pp. 162–63, nos. 341–42, p. 176.
  • Ibid., vol. 2, no. 1177, pp. 609–10.
  • Diplomatarium svecanum, nos. 1359–60, 1362, pp. 501–5.
  • Opera omnia, ep. 391, pp. 864–65.
  • Ibid.; also in Bullarium Franciscanum, vol. 2, no. 1220, pp. 631–32. The ruling (April 1464) is a good example of Pius putting results before equity: it seems that any Lucchese who refused to pay the tax would still get the plenary indulgence.
  • Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata,” p. 140.
  • Bullarium Franciscanum, Supplementum, ed. Caesar Cenci, 1 (Rome, 2002), no. 2263, p. 968, no. 2322, p. 984, no. 2483, p. 1027, no. 2637, p. 1064.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” p. 226.
  • The most important texts are in Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion, 3:376–403.
  • Erich Meuthen, “Reiche, Kirchen und Kurie im späteren Mittelalter,” Historische Zeitschrift 265 (1997), 597–637.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 235–37.
  • Weber, “Lutter,” pp. 267–306, is now the definitive study of the camera/depositeria from Pius to Sixtus IV. Weber plans an edition with commentary of the Liber sancte cruciate (Archivio di Stato di Roma, Cam. I, vol. 1233).
  • Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata,” p. 139.
  • Ibid., pp. 137–43; Ammannati, Lettere, 2:683–88, no. 132. Paul’s choice of d’Estouteville, who was less of an enthusiast for crusading than Bessarion or Carvajal, may have been an attempt to placate the French.
  • Mureşan, “La croisade en projets,” at n. 69, and annexe: an important redating of a project that was previously ascribed to 1471. Further on the commission’s activity, see Ammannati, Lettere, 2:572–78, no. 88, pp. 683–88, no. 132.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 177, pp. 263–64. See also Damian, “La Depositeria della Crociata,” p. 141.
  • Ibid., p. 143.
  • Opera omnia, ep. 266, p. 791.
  • Ibid., ep. 398, pp. 923–28, at p. 926.
  • Vetera monumenta … Hungariam … illustrantia, vol. 2, no. 536, pp. 356–57, no. 544, p. 362, no. 545, p. 363. But Matthias was sent a generous subsidy: Mohler, Kardinal Bessarion, 3:394.
  • For example, Vetera monumenta … Hungariam … illustrantia, vol. 2, no. 498, p. 325.
  • Acta Albaniae Vaticana, nos. 364–527, pp. 88–133.
  • Bisaha, Creating East and West; Meserve, Empires of Islam.
  • Setton, Papacy, 2:413–16.
  • Picotti, La dieta di Mantova, pp. 474–76, doc. no. XXXIIII [sic]. Cf. Russell, “The Humanists Converge,” pp. 74–82.
  • Ungedruckte Akten, no. 170, p. 243, no. 175, p. 260, no. 176, pp. 261–63, no. 199, p. 320.
  • In his crusading exhortations to Louis XI, notably Opera omnia, ep. 387, pp. 861–62, Pius was content to rehearse traditional arguments about French participation.
  • Aeneae Silvii Piccolomini … opera inedita, no. lxv, p. 138.
  • Setton, Papacy, 2:184–90, 316–18.
  • This was the itinerary predicted by the well-informed Otto de Carretto on 2 May: Baldi, Pio II, p. 259, n. 22.
  • For example, Ungedruckte Akten, no. 177, pp. 263–64.
  • Opera omnia, ep. 127, pp. 654–57, trans. Setton, Papacy, 2:153.

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